동북아역사재단 NORTHEAST ASIAN HISTORY FOUNDATION 로고 동북아역사재단 NORTHEAST ASIAN HISTORY FOUNDATION 로고 Newsletter

한국의 역사학은 왜 그리 비분강개하는가?
Why So Much Indignation in Korean History? People tend to always think that the period of their own lifetime is the most tumultuous period in history. True, history has been an almost continuous series of turmoil. But it is not true to say that the 'present day' is necessarily more upheaval than any other period in the past. If we feel that our own times are special, that's simply because more recent memories are more vivid. Nevertheless, the contemporary Korean history feels especially tumultuous for a reason. The ruin of the country under Japanese colonialism, the free will that erupted uncontrollably upon liberation, thirst for revenge, the people's expectation for early independence and unification, followed by the Korean War, the 1960 April Revolution, the dark military government, and painful struggles for democracy sum up the experiences of contemporary Korean history over the past hundred years that were more intense than those over a few centuries before that.The first national sentiment born of these experiences was a
by Shin Bok-ryong, Professor Emeritus at Konkuk University
"미래 세대 교류 늘려 좋은 이웃으로 협력하는 길 찾아야"
"Seek Ways of Cooperation as Good Neighbors by Increasing Exchange for Future Generations" Professor Heiko ItalSince 2008, Professor Heiko Ital has been teaching at the Department of German & Translation of Hankuk University of Foreign Studies. In 2000, he completed masters programs in political science, history, and education at Philipps-Universität Marburg in Germany. In 2001, he worked as a researcher for the Standing Committee of the Parliament of the Federal Republic of Germany. In 2004, he obtained a licence to teach political science and history in high schools in Berlin, Germany. In 2011, he completed the doctoral program in International Area Studies in the Graduate School of International Studies at Seoul National University. The NAHF co-hosted a seminar in Warsaw on March 13, 2014, under the theme of "Polish Reconciliation Experience: A Model for East Asia Rapprochement," aimed at sharing in the experience of resolving historical issues between Poland and its neighboring countries. What implications does Germany-Poland relations have for Japan-Korea relations? Ini
Interviewed and Coordinated by Kang Jeungmi, Team Manager, Department of Public Relations
페루-칠레 해양경계선 분쟁, ICJ 판결의 시사점
The Implications of the ICJ's Decision on the Peru-Chile Maritime Boundary Dispute In 1879, Peru and Bolivia as allies waged a war with Chile over saltpeter and guano, resources creating added value. Chile won the war, taking over some of the southern region of Peru, which included about 38,000 square meters of ocean. This led to the eruption of conflict regarding the maritime boundary between Peru and Chile.
by Kim Dong-wook, Research Fellow, Dokdo Research Institute
『일본 아베 정권의 역사인식과 한일관계』 한일 현안문제의 논리적 극복을 위한 대안 모색
The Abe Administration's Historical Perception and Korea-Japan Relations Seeking Logical Solutions to Overcome Pending Issues Between Korea and Japan The 21st century is witnessing a serious situation in a rapidly changing East Asia where the three nations (Korea, China, and Japan) are clashing with one another over historical perception. Now that even the U.S. is involved, abandoning its traditional position as a third party when it came to issues about historical perception, the situation is getting more complex as historical issues are intertwined with international politics. While Korea and Japan have suffered repeatedly from mutual distrust and misunderstanding since their diplomatic ties were restored, efforts beyond diplomatic politics have been made to overcome it through the promotion of private exchanges and academic exchanges among researchers of Korea-Japan relations. Despite these efforts, the recent Korea-Japan relations are strained. And the root cause lies in Prime Minister Shinzo Abe of Japan and politicians around him, who not only deny but go so far as to justify the history of aggression.
by Park Jin-woo, Professor of Japanese Studies, Sookmyung Women's University
백범 김구, 장제스, 그리고 카이로선언
Kim Gu, Jiang Jieshi, and the Cairo Declaration “The aforesaid three great powers, mindful of the enslavement of the people of Korea, are determined that in due course Korea shall become free and independent.” This is part of the text of the Cairo Declaration announced on December 1, 1943. The Cairo Declaration represents the agreements reached by heads of the three states-the U.S., the U.K., and China-at a conference held in Cairo, Egypt from November 23 to 26, 1943. And it contains a text that says Korea shall become free and independent once Japan falls. In other words, the Cairo Declaration, by which the Allies guaranteed Korea's independence, determined the destiny of the Korean people. It was essentially 'the gateway to the independence of the Republic of Korea.' There is a controversy over why the Cairo Declaration addressed "the matter of Korea's independence." This question was raised in 2013 when the media highlighted the Cairo Declaration on its 70th anniversary, saying things like, "It was an idea of Roosevelt and Hopkin
by Han Shi-joon, Professor of History, Dankook University
故 이종학 선생의 고요한 역사전쟁
Editor's Note: The 5th Dokdo Awards ceremony was held on January 4, 2014. The Dokdo Love Award went to the late Doctor Lee Jong-hak, the first director of Dokdo Museum. His only daughter, Ms. Lee Sun-young, has contributed an essay in his memory to Northeast Asian History Foundation News. Editor's Note: The 5th Dokdo Awards ceremony was held on January 4, 2014. The Dokdo Love Award went to the late Doctor Lee Jong-hak, the first director of Dokdo Museum. His only daughter, Ms. Lee Sun-young, has contributed an essay in his memory to Northeast Asian History Foundation News.
Written by Lee Sun-young
해석개헌이란?
What Does It Mean by Changing Constitutional Interpretations? In an editorial dated March 3, 2014, the Asahi Simbun of Japan criticized the government's interpretation of the Constitution concerning the right of collective self-defense, saying that it is "based on a sort of agreement between the government and the public reached through many years of discussions at the Diet," and that "if a prime minister is allowed to change the interpretation at will, the foundation of constitutionalism on which a democratic nation is built would collapse." In other words, allowing Japan to exercise its right of collective self-defense would mean a change in the pacifist principle enshrined in Article 9 of the Constitution that postwar Japan has been strictly maintaining, and it would require amending the Constitution by following procedures set by Article 96. Controversial here is the right of collective self-defense, which refers to the nation's right to allow its self-defense forces to join a counterattack launched by an ally that has come under enemy attack, even if the nation itself is not under direct attack. The right of individual or collective self-defense is recognized under Article 51 of the Charter of the United Nations.
by Doh Shi-whan, Research Fellow, Office of Policy Planning, NAHF
평양성
Pyeongyang Castle Pyeongyang Castle is an old capital city of Koguryo, surrounded by Moranbong Hill standing tall in the heart of Pyeongyang. Pyeongyang Castle is a castle that combines the strengths of mountain fortresses and of flatland castles. It is designed to defend the capital city and the people's properties and houses effectively against enemy attacks. Its Inner Castle, Northern Castle, Middle Castle, Outer Castle, gate sites, and building sites are still preserved. The letters inscribed on castle stones discovered within the Inner Castle indicate that Pyeongyang Castle is a castle town built during the Koguryo period.
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