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To commemorate the 72nd anniversary of Korea's liberation, Seoul Museum of History launched a special exhibition on August 3, 2017 titled "The Road to a Republic and Freedom," which sheds light on the independence activities Woodang Lee Hoe-yeong and his five brothers carried out. This year also marks the 150th anniversary of Woodang's birth. This month's interview features stories about the Republic of Korea's independence and patriotism shared by Woodang's descendent Lee Jong-chan who is currently involved in the construction of a memorial hall for the Korean Provisional Government as chairman of the Woodang Scholarship Foundation.

Interviewer: Chang Se-yun (Director, NAHF Institute of Japanese Studies)

Lee Jong-chan (Chairman, Woodang Scholarship Foundation)

Born in Shanghai, China in 1936, Chairman Lee became commissioned as a second lieutenant upon graduating from the Korea Military Academy. He acquired a master's degree in 1972 for studying China's administrative system at Seoul National University's Graduate School of Public administration. In 1981, he became elected as a member of the national assembly to represent the boroughs Jongno-gu and Jung-gu, and was repeatedly elected to serve three more terms as an assemblyman. He has served as head of the Fifteenth Commission on Presidential Transition, director of the Agency for National Security Planning in 1998, advisor to the New Millennium Democratic Party in 2000, and director of the International Business Center Forum in 2010. He currently serves as head of the Promotion Committee for Building the Korean Provisional Government Memorial Hall, chairman of the Woodang Scholarship Foundation, director of the Woodang Memorial Hall, head of the Yeocheon Hong Beom-do Commemoration Society, and a board member of the Korea Forum for Progress. Among the books he authored are the two-volume "The Woods are not Silent," "Ringing the Nation's Bell, Building the Nation's Tower," and "Reform and Moderatism."

Q1 We'd like to begin by asking how you've been doing lately. Could you please tell us what you've been working on or have been involved in these days?

Lee Jong-chan Nowadays I've been focused on two projects, one of them being the exhibition at Seoul Museum of History called "The Road to a Republic and Freedom" that features the independence activities carried out by Lee Hoe-yeong and his five brothers. The exhibition is about my grandfather and his brothers and can also be considered as preparation for the coming year of 2019. Korea made its declaration of independence on March 1, 1919 and a provisional government was established shortly afterward in April. Historically, that was when the people's resolution caused the “Empire of Korea” to completely hand over the sovereignty of our nation to the “Republic of Korea." The year 2019 is therefore very meaningful for being the centennial of the year when Korea turned into a state ruled by the people instead of the king.

Our ancestors considered Japan's imperialist invasion that began from 1905 as an attack and occupation by a neighboring country equal to Korea rather than by a country more advanced than Korea, like Germany attacked France. That is why they considered Korea's sovereignty, which the king used to dominate, had been transferred to the people, not to a foreign power like Japan. And for that reason, the Korean Provisional Government chose to define itself as a democratic republic in the constitution. Because this major historical transition took place in 1919, we've been busy trying to complete the construction of the Korean Provisional Government Memorial Hall by 2019 to remind our people of the significance the year holds for our nation.

Q2 Being Woodang Lee Hoe-yeong's grandson, you must have grown up in a family and environment that encouraged you to form unique ideas about independence movements, patriotism, and Korea as a nation.

Lee Jong-chan I grew up in an environment that was completely isolated from Shanghai where my family sought asylum. Our circumstances back then were similar to that of refugees today, and unless you experience it for yourself, it tends to be difficult to imagine the sorrow of being not having a homeland. Our Chinese friends would often tease us by calling us "wangguonu," which means a slave without a country, while our parents were unable to openly encourage us to "work hard to serve our country." It was a time when we couldn't tell which country they were referring to as ours. They certainly seemed to be talking about a country lost that wasn't Japan or China, but they would never name it aloud. Because we were always under the Japanese consulate’s surveillance. Only after Japan surrendered on August 15, 1945 did I become more firmly aware of Korea as our nation. My father had taken refuge underground at the time and would occasionally come home and talk about the independence movement our grandfather and his five brothers had been involved in. He also said that "there's a man called Doctor Rhee Syngman who was fluent in English, defected to the United States, and earned his doctoral degree from a university chancellor who later became the president of the United States. That's why we elected Doctor Rhee Syngman as our president and he made diplomatic efforts in the United States for Korea's independence." By then, my mind was full of thoughts about resisting against Japan and achieving independence for our homeland, but once I returned to Korea, I found that the leaders of the provisional government I used to look up to had been pushed into the back seat and the American forces were in control of domestic politics. I grew perplexed at the thought that "the world is a playground for politics of power."

Q3 Could you explain how the Woodang Lee Hoe-yeong Commemoration Society was formed and what the society ultimately aims to achieve through its projects?

Lee Jong-chan My grandfather Woodang was an independence activist. He spent his whole life devising plans and carrying them out, but he always acted behind the scenes and never showed himself at the front line. Even when he passed away, he was merely introduced as "a hidden leader" of some movement in the papers (in a Joongang Ilbo article dated November 21, 1932). So, there are still many details about Woodang's actions that haven't been revealed yet. The compatriots who fought with him are aware of certain aspects about him, but they haven't been able to shed light on his overall thoughts and actions. Of course, that's all because he himself didn't wish for his movements to be documented or known.

In the 1980s, fifty years after he passed away, some who used to work with him in the past like Jeong Hwa-am, Lee Jeong-gyu, Yu Seok-hyeon, and Lee Gang-hoon formed the society out of a desperate need to "collect traces of Woodang bit by bit before it’s too late." The society has quietly been retracing and commemorating Woodang's dying wishes out of respect for a veteran of the Korean anarchist movement who believed in "free participation and silent practice."

Q4 We heard that the Woodang Memorial Hall reopened early this year, so could you tell what changes have been made? Also, could you explain more about the purpose and message of the exhibition "The Road to a Republic and Freedom" at Seoul Museum of History?

Lee Jong-chan Although small and imperfect, the Woodang Memorial Hall has served as a space featuring the history of activities carried out by Woodang and his compatriots. It's also been frequently used as a place to hold history lectures for youths or meetings for educators studying the history of independence movements. All that wore down parts of the facility like the floor, toilets, and furnishings. Thankfully, the Ministry of Patriots and Veterans Affairs noticed the situation and asked LG for help with the refurbishment, but the hall's content inside has changed much.

I believe the exhibition "The Road to a Republic and Freedom" launched at Seoul Museum of History on August 3, 2017 is a tremendously meaningful occasion to inform people about the thoughts and actions of Woodang and his five brothers during Japan's occupation of Korea in the early 1900s. Born into a distinguished family based in Seoul, the brothers' ancestors continued to serve in important government positions for generations during the Joseon dynasty and into the Empire of Korea. Once their country became invaded by a foreign power, they resisted by educating people about their nation, establishing a military school, and participating in the establishment of the Korean Provisional Government to advocate ideas of freedom and equality. Five of the six brothers, including my own grandfather, were sacrificed during that process except for Seongjae Lee Si-yeong, who managed to return to Korea and play a leading role in establishing the Korean government. This epic story of choosing to go down the righteous path of a free, democratic republic goes beyond being a source of pride for our family and might as well serve as a model of public spirit for the Republic of Korea.

Q5 Many descendants of other independence activists who resisted against Japan now seem to be living under difficult, unfortunate circumstances. Some say they are receiving less attention and support than they deserve, so what do you think caused the issue and how do you think it should be resolved?

Lee Jong-chan As one of the descendants of those who dedicated their entire lives to independence movements, I do not wish to appear as if I'm expecting something in return from my country. Because while fighting against Japan, no true independence activist would have been thinking about a benefit in return after achieving independence. They would have only hoped for a just society to take root in this land, but there has indeed been criticism about whether that hope has truly been realized after our country's liberation. In her work "Pride and Daydreaming," the late novelist Park Wan-suh wrote that "The Donghak Peasant Army gave birth to independence fighters, who gave birth to janitors, who gave birth to paperhangers. Meanwhile, traitors who betrayed their country gave birth to pro-Japanese collaborators, who gave birth to corrupt officials, who gave birth to evil profiteers.” I think we should be able to look around with those words from her work in mind.

Q6 Some people in South Korea argue that August 15, 1948 should be considered the day the Republic of Korea became founded as a country, so what are your thoughts on that argument?

Lee Jong-chan No amount of fine words by those arguing that August 15, 1948 should be considered national foundation day can cover up the fact that they are in denial of the history of Korean independence movements. They look up to the first president Rhee Syngman as the "founding father" of the Republic of Korea in order to justify their argument for a "national foundation day," but ironically enough, Rhee Syngman himself denied that "the Republic of Korea was founded in 1948." A constitutional assembly was elected on May 10, 1948, which reviewed the Republic of Korea's constitution and adopted it a couple of months later on July 12. Yet, it was promulgated a few days later on July 17. Why do you think it took a few days to promulgate? It was because July 17 was the day the dynasty of Joseon began in 1392. Rhee Syngman and others who led the government's establishment chose the same day for the promulgation to promote a sense of continuity in Korean history.

Moreover, the 1948 constitution's preamble does not proclaim the foundation of the Republic of Korea, but instead clearly states that "the cause of the Provisional Government of the Republic of Korea born of the March First Independence Movement of 1919" shall be upheld and assumed in naming the country. Rhee Syngman also mentioned this constitutional spirit in his opening address as the first speaker of the assembly. The first issue of the official gazette published by the Republic of Korea's government printed its publication date as "September 1 of the 30th year of the Republic of Korea." What more can one say to explain that today's Republic of Korea was not founded in 1948? What's important is that the historical perception of Rhee Syngman and other government officials at the time believed that they were establishing a government for a country with a legitimate history that spans five millenniums, not for a country newly born after the Second World War. By claiming that our country was established in 1948 while arguing that the establishment of the North Korean "Democratic People's Republic of Korea" lacks historical legitimacy, wouldn't we be placing ourselves in the irony of admitting that we're not the legal posterity of Korea as a nation?

Q7 Many describe that the recent political circumstances in Korea and overseas are similar to those in the late nineteenth to early twentieth century. As such, what do you think Korea and its people should particularly be aware of?

Lee Jong-chan When Kim Hong-jip visited Japan as an envoy of Joseon in 1880, he received the book "Strategy for Joseon" from a Qing diplomat named Huang Zunxian (黃遵憲). The book claimed that "For today's Joseon, there is no strategy more urgent than stopping Russia. What strategy would there be to stop Russia? The only way would be for Joseon to fortify itself by remaining close to China, forming an alliance with Japan, and establishing connections with the United States."

From a geopolitical standpoint, defending its national security is most important to Korea because the Korean peninsula is surrounded by powerful countries. The "Strategy for Joseon" suggested "stopping Russia" as the most urgent task for Korea to take care of back then, but today that task would have to be replaced with "dealing with the nuclear threat from North Korea." The strategy the book suggested still holds implications for Korea today that need to be considered under the circumstances the Korean peninsula is now placed in. At the same time, we should also pay attention to the words "fortify itself" that Huang Zunxian wrote in the conclusion of the "Strategy for Joseon." We may try to rely on our powerful neighbors to maintain our security, but we ultimately need to fortify ourselves in order to deal with nuclear threats from North Korea and defend our national sovereignty.

Q8 Since the Northeast Asian History Foundation reached its tenth anniversary last year, could you please tell us your thoughts on how well the Foundation has carried out its mission and what it should work on in the future?

Lee Jong-chan Countries neighboring Korea have all recently been adopting self-centered views toward history. That naturally gave rise to conflicts involving history, which is why the Northeast Asian History Foundation became established. I think the Foundation unfortunately disappointed many in the beginning by showing too much of a defensive, compromising attitude, perhaps from being overpowered by neighboring countries. But it eventually seems to have found a balance in conducting research projects and has now improved considerably.

Some may question whether joining the trend of aggressively studying history like neighboring countries could end up aggravating disputes instead of resolving them. Others argue that we Koreans mustn't get swept away in ultranationalism even as we witness aggressive historical studies being performed by our neighbors. I believe that we need to review our own history by adopting more modern, scientific research methodologies to revamp the structure established by independence activists like Baekam Bak Eun-sik, Seokju Yi Sang-ryong, Danjae Shin Chae-ho, and Seongjae Lee Si-yeong as they were resisting against Japan. As I already mentioned, we need to pave our own way to self-fortification and I think that applies to historical research as well.