동북아역사재단 NORTHEAST ASIAN HISTORY FOUNDATION 로고 동북아역사재단 NORTHEAST ASIAN HISTORY FOUNDATION 로고 Newsletter

History of Japanese Invasion 6
The Journey of Securing Publicness and Commonness in Elementary Education
    Kim Gwang-gyu, Assistant Research Fellow at the Korea Institute of Curriculum and Evaluation

The publication of “History of Japanese Invasion” by the Northeast Asian History Foundation issues a compilation of systematical research on the Japanese invasions of the Korean peninsula and the Japanese imperialism in details. The compilation written by academic experts is comprised of data, research, and reading materials, divided into four categories: politics, economy, society, and culture. Through the History of Japanese Invasion Series, we introduce our readers a book among the compilation.

 

1

 

Beginning of modern elementary education


In the 19th century, when the great powers of imperialism invaded East Asia, our task in the education area was to establish a modern system for elementary education and realize common and equal education while expanding schools. Numerous public and private elementary schools were established across the nation, in accordance with the government’s policy of “Heunghak,” meaning the promotion of education, and nationalism of the Joseon people. Private schools included religious ones established by missionaries and others built by private funds of individuals. There were also public-type private schools established with funds raised by local residents. These schools stood against public common schools, that were led by the Japanese Resident-General of Korea, to fulfill their purposes of spreading new education and enhancing nationalism.

    

Publicness: the fundamental of the elementary education system


The elementary education system that the government and the people intended to establish in cooperation during the Modern Reform Period had a strong publicness in terms of education, as well as the establishment and operation of schools. Generally, the purpose of an individual establishing a school or receiving education has a private motivation, such as social dignity, desire to learn, and ambitions for success, as well as a public one to benefit the nation, people, and society. In particular, after 1906, when Korea was on the verge of losing national sovereignty, receiving modern education as a student, working in the area of modern education as a teaching staff, and participating in the establishment of schools were all part of self-development, self-realization, and movement of saving the nation by education.

    

Distortion of elementary education during the Japanese Occupation


After Japan took control of Korea, the Governor-General of Joseon clarified that the purpose of education in Joseon was to “cultivate loyal and honest subjects” who are proficient in Japanese and work diligently. This did not change until the last years of Japanese Occupation. Elementary education itself was complete education, not preparatory education. Japanese was a mandatory subject in school that took up the greatest proportion of the curriculum. Only books that were published, qualified, or approved by the Governor-General of Joseon were accepted as textbooks, and all textbooks apart from that of the Joseon language were written in Japanese. Common schools at the time had at least one Japanese teacher. The Governor-General of Joseon had schools engage in agriculture, naming it the hands-on/vocational training, and had teachers and students do the labor. Private schools were acknowledged as formal schools only after they were authorized after meeting certain requirements. Private academic classes and Seodangs, or village schools, were maintained as alternatives for insufficient common schools, but were under control, while receiving no support, by the Japanese rule. It also practiced the benefit principle, having Joseon people pay for expenses for establishing and operating elementary schools in their regions.

 

Use of public common schools by Joseon people and its limitation


People of Joseon refused to enter common schools in the initial years of Japanese Occupation. After they changed their strategy from refusal to enrollment, they constantly criticized and resisted against educational formats and its contents, demanding for changes. After the 1920s, the movement of building additional schools and classes across the nation demanded for expanded elementary education, confronting the education policy of the Governor-General of Joseon. However, at the same time, it was a move of entering the public common school system of the Governor-General. This system paid high wages to Japanese teachers and obligated students to learn Japanese in accordance with the curriculum set by the Governor-General and practice rituals of worshiping Japanese emperors on Japanese holidays to have their academic achievement recognized. Joseon people voluntarily and eagerly wanted to enter this system to overcome illiteracy, learn Japanese, and get a white-collar job. They started to use public common schools as a basic tool essential for life and a foothold for seeking opportunities for a new life. However, this also served as reinforcing private aspects in education.

 

Disappearance of publicness

 

The benefit principle that tossed the burden of paying expenses for the establishment and management of schools to Joseon people accelerated the disappearance of publicness in education. Competition to get into schools was intense due to limited number of schools. Tuition fees were burdensome, and students had to endure long distances coming to and from school, receiving education in a second language, and discriminatory and violent words by Japanese teachers. This has dimmed the belief that students should share the effect of education they received with society. In addition, the education of benefit principle combined with financial difficulties and patriarchalism in the Joseon community excluded most girls from elementary education.

 

Time to look back on the aim of elementary education again


Since August 15, 1945, our task in the education area was to restore publicness in education policy and have education known as a public good. The aim of education of the 19th century, that is, realization of common and equal education, should have been beyond the “free compulsory education.” Forms of family, financial status, residential area, gender, disability, and many other factors that may affect students should have been considered carefully to improve the contents and practicality of education. Leaving only a quarter-century to the centennial celebration of national liberation, we must earnestly contemplate this issue.

 

 

1