동북아역사재단 NORTHEAST ASIAN HISTORY FOUNDATION 로고 동북아역사재단 NORTHEAST ASIAN HISTORY FOUNDATION 로고 Newsletter

제1차 세계대전 종전이 한국사에 미친 영향
How the End of World War One Affected Korean History As soon as World War One came to an end in November 1918, Korean independence activists quickly took action. Having secured a bridgehead for independence movements in Shanghai, Sin Gyu-sik engaged in discussions with Yeo Un-hyeong and other young Korean men to come up a basic action plan, which was to send a Korean representative to the Paris Peace Conference to call for Korea's independence and make a public declaration of independence. Their efforts to stir an uproar by spreading word about their plan at home and abroad played a decisive role in declaring Korea's independence. Expectations were boosted when Kim Gyu-sik left Shanghai on February 1 for Paris to attend the peace conference as the leader of Sinhan cheongnyeondang (New Korea Youth Party). The declaration of independence Korean students made in Tokyo on February 8 cut the starting ribbon for the March First Independence Movement and other declarations that followed suit in Korea and Jilin, Manchuria, all proclaiming that Korea was an autonomous, independent nation. The March First Declaration of Independence is of major historical significance. First, Korea stood at the forefront of colonies all over the world struggling against imperialist invasions to liberate themselves. An entire nation revolting against an aggressive imperialist country to demand national independence was bound to set an example for other colonized peoples and countries. That is why news of the March First Independence Movement became extensively reported in China and many other countries.
Kim Hee-gon (Professor at Andong National University, Director of the Gyeongsangbuk-do Independence Movement Memorial)
민족자결주의에 대한 두 시각 우드로 윌슨과 김규식
Woodrow Wilson and Kim Gyu-sik: Two Views on National Self-Determination The year of 2018 marks the centennial of the end of World War One on November 11, 1918. Europe was at war a century ago until the United States stepped in as of April 2, 1917. Woodrow Wilson (1856-1924) had secured his re-election as president the previous year by maintaining the United States' neutrality, but he ultimately turned into a president of war instead of peace when he decided to engage in "the war to end all wars." This decision to go to war meant that the United States was abandoning its 124-year long tradition of neutrality established when its first president George Washington made the Proclamation of Neutrality in 1793 toward the conflict between Revolutionary France and Great Britain. Wilson's decision led to the sacrifice of 116,516 American soldiers among the 9 million or so victims of World War One. And it was Wilson's doctrine to promote peace and security that determined the United States' foreign policies for the next one hundred years and extends into the Trump administration's policy toward North Korea today. Wilson's doctrine was infused in the fourteen points he stated through his speech to the U. S. congress on January 8, 1918. The fourteen points had been derived from reports prepared for Wilson by an unofficial team of advisors called the "Inquiry." These points, including the fifth point about national self-determination, later served as a guide for the United States government in handling negotiations at the Paris Peace Conference.
Choi Deok-kyoo (Research fellow, NAHF Research Institute of Korea-China Relations)
폴란드-러시아 공동 역사 교과서의 사례
The Polish-Russian Joint History Textbook Project Despite decades of antagonism stemmed from historical disputes dating back to before the nineteenth century, World War Two, and territorial issues, Poland and Russia have managed to look beyond their different regimes and ideologies to achieve historical reconciliation. For Northeast Asia to overcome its past dictated by war and violence and achieve peace, Korea, China, and Japan need to each go through the process of understanding one another's history. In order to gain insight on efforts necessary to facilitate historical reconciliation in Northeast Asia, this month's interview with Polish historian Miroslaw Filipowicz looks at how Poland was able to overcome a history of conflict and what sort of collaborations Poland has been involved in with Russia for historical reconciliation, especially in terms of joint research and textbook authoring.
Kim Jong-hak (NAHF Institute of Japanese Studies)
‘독도 주권’을 조명한 학술 연구의 집대성 독도 영토주권과 해양영토
The Summation of Research on Territorial Sovereignty Over Dokdo and Maritime Territories An academic review of sovereignty over the island Dokdo has been published under the title "Territorial Sovereignty Over Dokdo and Maritime Territories." Published on the tenth anniversary of the NAHF Dokdo Research Institute, the book offers the summation of findings by eight research fellows on the sovereignty of Dokdo since the institute's establishment in 2008. As the first volume in the research publication series "Sovereignty Over Dokdo," the book is expected to serve as a meaningful start to the newly launched series. First Academic Publication to Focus on Sovereignty Over Dokdo Under the overall theme "territorial sovereignty over Dokdo and maritime territories," the book is comprised of two parts: the first focusing on the territorial sovereignty over Dokdo and the second focusing on Dokdo and maritime territories. According to Judge Max Huber's ruling on the Island of Palmas case (1928), territorial sovereignty has been defined in international law as "the right to exercise therein, to the exclusion of any other State, the functions of a State." Hence, territorial sovereignty over Dokdo in the featured book refers to the exclusive sovereignty over Dokdo as an inherent territory of Korea and embodies a fundamental, active approach that encompasses dominium. This makes the book the first academic publication to directly pitch territorial sovereignty over Dokdo in its title.
Doh See-hwan (Research fellow, NAHF Institute of Dokdo Research)
16-17th Century Northeast Asia Against the Westphalian system The year 2018 marks the 370th year since the conclusion of the Peace of Westphalia, a series of treaties extolled for establishing the matrix of modern international order based on diplomacy and nation-state sovereignty. The West thereafter realized the Westphalian system by organically fusing the expansion of foreign trade with colonization. Two characteristics emerged through this realization: the scale of state economies became global and wars central governments conducted abroad came to occupy a considerable share in national industries. The path the Westphalian system opened up for international order ultimately led the West to seize world hegemony since the eighteenth century. This is why research on certain imperial powers like Spain, the Netherlands, France, Britain, Germany, and the United States has settled down as a tradition of sorts in Western academia. Conditions to forming an empire that have mostly been identified through such research are as follows: maintaining an external, internal balance between economic and military expansion, securing an economic, military, technological superiority over neighboring countries, and having the political capability to fine-tune and constantly manage an internal balance as well as an external predominance. These three conditions are all based on competition and expansion at a global scale. And such competition and expansion’s dialectical process of development is what evolved into the condition and reality of a modern international order.
Lee Jeong-il (Research fellow, NAHF Research Institute of Korea-China Relations)
재단 뉴스
NAHF News On May 24, the Northeast Asian History Foundation jointly hosted a symposium at its grand conference hall with the Institute of East-Central Europe from Poland under the theme "The Provisional Government, Republicanism and Historical Reconciliation: Korea and Poland in Comparative Perspective." Papers were presented by the Polish experts Vice Rector Mariusz Wołos (Pedagogical University of Krakow), Monika Rudas-Grodzka (Polish Academy of Sciences' Institute for Literary Studies), Professor Rafał Wnuk (John Paul II Catholic University of Lublin), Doctor Marek Radziwon (Institute of East-Central Europe), Director Miroslaw Filipowicz (Institute of East-Central Europe) as well as the Korean experts Professor Han See-joon (Dankook University), Professor Yun Dae-won (Seoul National University), Shin Ju-baek (Yonsei University), and Kim Jeong-in (Chuncheon National University of Education). The symposium served as an opportunity to compare Korea and Poland's experiences and review the international significance of establishing a provisional government and implementing modern republicanism. The symposium's participants also sought to ascertain the characteristics of historical disputes in Northeast Asia and explore ways to resolve them.
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