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Interviews
"The prerequisite for peace in East Asia is Japan's acknowledgement of its responsibility for aggression"
    Interviewed by Nam Sang-Gu, Research Fellow, Department of Historical Research, NAHF

Editor's Note: "The Korean and Japanese History Textbook Authors' Conference" was held at the NAHF on December 13, 2014. This conference has been held consistently since 2010 to help these two countries understand the other's description of history and improve descriptions in their textbooks. Professor Emeritus Takashima Nobuyoshi (高嶋伸欣), one of the participants in this conference, gave an interview to Research Fellow Nam Sang-Gu at the NAHF, discussing the issue of Japanese textbooks and the possibility of a common textbook among Korea, China, and Japan, or between Korea and Japan.

Takashima Nobuyoshi

co-representative of 'the Association for Inheriting and Propagating the Murayama Statement'

Q Nam Sang-Gu Since you organized a 'trip to experience the war in the Malay Peninsula" in 1975, you have been actively addressing Japan's war crimes and responsibilities. I wonder what got you started and what has been the great achievement of your activities.

A Takashima Nobuyoshi When I was a high school teacher of world geography, I surveyed my students on their image of Southeast Asia. Many of my students responded that Southeast Asia was a poor, unclean region with many crimes. To think that Japan can enjoy a rapid growth and abundance in life in Asia because the Japanese are an elegant people is arrogance and an obvious error resulting from a discriminatory view of nationality.

To realize that such a view of nationality is wrong is the purpose of learning geography. So I decided I wanted to teach my students to realize the historical fact that ordinary Japanese citizens had been also led to believe, incorrectly, that Japan had been right to have invaded its neighboring countries to make them its colonies or place them under its military control. To this end, I set about collecting relevant materials, and visited Thailand and Malaysia during the summer vacation of 1975. From the locals of Malaysia, I learned that the Japanese Army had indiscriminately massacred Chinese-Malay residents and that there were monuments of this incident. Afterwards, I started visiting Malaysia by myself every year and roaming about the country investigating the massacre. Consequently, I confirmed that there were as many as 70 monuments of the massacre and tombs in Malaysia and Singapore. This result is reflected in local travel guidebooks or testimony films. Currently, every history textbook covers the massacres committed by the Japanese Army in Southeast Asia.

However, I have yet to reach my initial goal of letting the Japanese people today know that 'their discriminatory view of nationality holding the rest of Asians in contempt is wrong because it is the kind of idea that approves of aggression.' That's why I participated in the writing of the 'Modern Society' textbook and wrote about Fukuzawa Yukichi (福沢諭吉) and Katsu Kaishu (勝海舟) in the column 'Japan within Asia.' Fukuzawa Yukichi is a thinker during the Meiji period widely known for having despised China and Japan by arguing for 'Datsu-A Ron (De-Asianization)' based on his discriminatory view of nationality. Unfortunately, however, the Japanese Ministry of Education at the time disapproved of this textbook for its 'unfair treatment' of Fukuzawa Yukichi. I couldn't accept this decision, so filed a charge against the Minister of Education. I won at the court of first instance but lost at the courts of second instance, i.e. High Court and Supreme Court.

Undaunted, however, Mr. Yasukawa and I, the witnesses at the trial. suggested that "the portrait of Fukuzawa Yukichi should be 'retired' from the face of the 10,000 yen bill and replaced by that of Katsu Kaishu. Southeast Asian people have told me, "The Japanese people cannot be trusted as long as the 10,000 yen bill caries the portrait of Fukuzawa Yukichi." I understand that the Korean people have been relieved to see Ito Hirobumi gone from the face of the 1,000 yen bill. I'd like hear what they think about Fukuzawa Yukichi on the 10,000 yen bill. If people in the Northeast Asian region are sharing the same thought, then they are in line with the Southeast Asian people in awareness of the problem. And it proves that our activities are becoming more vigorous and also making progress in solidarity. This is the greatest achievement of our activities and where they have arrived.

Q Nam Sang-Gu Those textbooks (Ikuhosha, Jiyusha) supported by the 'Japan Society for History Textbook Reform'(hereinafter the 'Society') include a misleading description that when Japan had invaded Southeast Asia, the local residents had welcomed the Japanese Army as a liberation army.

A Takashima Nobuyoshi It is ugly and shameless to make such a far-fetched claim. For the perpetrators of the crime of aggression to make the Southeast Asian people, the victims, to say thank-you to them is as good as committing a new crime.

There must have been people who at first mistook the Japanese Army for a liberation army. Even Ho Chi Minh did so until he came to see them for what they were. In a multiracial society like Malaysia, the Japanese Army adopted national division as their method of control, as did Britain. Consequently, those Malay people who cooperated with the Japanese Army were not quite aware that they were victims. Since the Chinese-Malay people who had dominated the economy till then were severely persecuted by the Japanese Army, there must have been quite a few people benefiting from it by acquiring the Chinese-Malay people's property at a bargain or taking their jobs. Those Malay people are said to be grateful to the Japanese Army to this day.

That war was essentially a fight over colonies between the early-comers (the U.K, the U.S., France, and the Netherlands) and the late-comers (Japan, Germany, and Italy) in the race of imperialism. Although the fact remains that the Japanese Army's attacks drove out the older imperialist nations relatively early, the Japanese Army failed in their fight back (against the resistance of the local people). Independence came earlier than expected, but it was the power of the local people that made independence possible. Japan wouldn't be happy about that, of course. As if it's unfair when they're the ones who did wrong! To see that the Japanese Army's aggression of Southeast Asia was not intended for the liberation of the colonies, look no further than the internal document of the Japanese Army at the time, which stated: "The Japanese Army does not support independence movements in the given region.

Q Nam Sang-Gu What do you think about the proposal for a common history textbook by Korea, China, and Japan for the resolution of conflicts arising from the gap in perceptions of history?

A Takashima Nobuyoshi If a common auxiliary textbook could be written and made available for teachers to choose and use, it would be helpful. But a common history textbook wouldn't come easy. There would be hope, if 'East Asian History' or such a subject that covers the histories of the three countries existed in each of the three countries. But if it is to be used within the current system of teaching its own country's history, a textbook that gives equal treatment to the three countries, even if it is written and made available, is highly unlikely to be adopted.

Q Nam Sang-Gu Since its launch, the Abe administration has been carrying out policies for spreading the use of right-wing textbooks in many ways. What is the greatest change that has occurred during the Abe administration? And how is the Japanese civil society coping with it?

A Takashima Nobuyoshi In 2007, during his first term, Prime Minister Abe went for the total revision of the Basic Act on Education, successfully including 'instilling patriotism' in the objectives of education. But he had to leave office before he could specifically incorporate it into the textbooks. To finish in his second term what he had left off in his first, he has made it mandatory for the textbooks to include the government's opinion, and reinforced moral education in an effort to instill patriotism. It is also in the same context that he has made it possible for the Prefectural Governor or the Mayor of the municipality to intervene in the Education Committee.

But Abe and his followers don't seem to think that politicians who disagree with the LDP could become the ones in charge of the government or municipality. When asked "Is it okay for reformist governors and mayors of the municipality to become the ones in charge?", Mr. Yagi Hidetsugu (八木秀次) famously, and inadvertently, answered "No way!" on the air.

In one movement after another in Japan, the citizens are criticizing and opposing the Abe administration for making changes in the education system for the worse. Of those 'historical revisionist' politicians like Abe, many renowned lawmakers lost the general election in December 2014. I don't think that Prime Minister Abe will be able to sustain his existing momentum.

Q Nam Sang-Gu Currently, the adoption rate of the 'Society' history textbooks (Jiyusha, Ikuhosha) is less than 4%. But it is feared to exceed 10% in 2015. For example, the Education Committee of Taketomi Town in Okinawa has seceded from the textbook adoption district and secured an independent right of choice. What activities will be needed in order to stop the adoption rate of the 'Society' textbooks from increasing?

A Takashima Nobuyoshi Of the 'Society' textbooks, the civics textbook by Jiyusha will not reportedly have any revised edition published. Since most of the 'Society' textbooks have not been adopted, I don't expect that they will be adopted in the upcoming selection this summer. The Ikuhosha edition, which is adopted by the city of Yokohama, accounts for 2% of the whole nation. But we need to keep watching as the political force close to Prime Minister Abe is out for additional large adoption districts in the upcoming selection this summer. I will do a critical review of the Ikuosha edition, which is currently under examination, as soon as its contents become known.

The case of Taketomi Town in Okinawa has made adoption by Town or Village possible. If there will be more Towns or Villages that will adopt the Ikuhosha edition in consequence, there is nothing we can do about it. Even if it really happens, there are not many students in Towns or Villages. There are campaigns being waged constantly across the country monitoring whether the adoption process in Towns or Villages is proceeded fairy and unbiasedly.

Q Nam Sang-Gu There are increasing opportunities for scholars and teachers from Korea and Japan, or from Korea, China, and Japan, to gather together. And they seem to be active, having proposed to work together on a history textbook. Will these movements help resolve the conflicts arising from the textbook controversy?

A Takashima Nobuyoshi Unlike politics, the academia, schools, and civilians have the potential to naturally deepen friendship and personal trust with each other through free mutual visits and exchange. Despite "hate speech" or demagoguery by politicians, people will naturally question it, thinking, "Is it true? I don't think that those people will do such things." Given that mutual understanding is deepened, it is possible to prevent emotional confrontation from intensifying. Therefore, the publication of common auxiliary textbooks or related exchange meetings must go on whenever possible. And I think it'd be good if those efforts would not be limited to education but known to the public through media.

Q Nam Sang-Gu I understand that you are a co-representative of 'the Association for Inheriting and Propagating the Murayama Statement.' What do you think is needed to resolve historical conflicts in Northeast Asia?

A Takashima Nobuyoshi I don't think that historical conflicts will be resolved easily. To establish a collective desire for peace in East Asia encompassing Southeast Asia as well as Northeast Asia, it is most important that Japan be honest and accept its responsibility for colonial rule and aggression. To this end, the 'Murayama Statement' needs to be reconfirmed. But Prime Minister Abe is preparing to issue an 'Abe Statement' in August 2015 that will dismiss the 'Murayama Statement' as a thing of the past.

In Japan today, there is a group strongly demanding that the Abe Statement should also uphold the 'Murayama Statement.' This group is trying to 'lay siege to Abe.' Furthermore, it is in continued talks with the people of Okinawa to call on the new governor of Okinawa Onaga (翁長) for independent East Asian diplomacy.

"The Korean and Japanese History Textbook Authors' Conference" was held at the NAHF on December 13, 2014.