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Chung Hye-kyung

Research fellow, Research Society on Japan's Forced Mobilization and Peace

Member, Seoul Metropolitan Government Cultural Assets Committee

Doctor Chung Hye-kyung acquired her masters and doctoral degree from the Korean Spiritual Culture Institute (now the Academy of Korean Studies) by studying the history of Koreans in Japan during the Japanese Occupation of Korea. She began studying oral history since 1995 and archival science since 1999. She is the sole author of twelve books and has so far published around forty research papers. She served for eleven years as chief of the investigation team under the Korean Prime Minister's support committee for the investigation of forced mobilization damages and victims overseas. Now a research fellow of the Research Society on Japan's Forced Mobilization and Peace, she researches the mobilization of Koreans near the end of the Japanese colonial rule and enjoys free discussions about ways to use historical content to popularize history.

Q

As part of the Korean Prime Minister's support committee for the investigation of Japanese forced mobilization damages and victims overseas, you've been actively involved in various activities for the past eleven years from collecting evidence of forced mobilization to surveying and supporting victims and tracking the accountability of the Japanese government and corporations. What have you been working on since you finished serving on the committee?

Chung Hye-kyung

History has so far been a realm only for experts, but I believe now is the time to search for different ways to raise historical awareness and make history a more familiar subject to the public. Nowadays, I'm preoccupied with how remains from the Asia-Pacific War can be used to familiarize people with history and help local governments or individuals develop an interest in preserving history. That is why I've been turning my attention toward creating and distributing cultural content based on the eight thousand or so sites related to the history of forced mobilization scattered across Korea so that more Koreans may take an interest in objectively, healthily approaching history. For this purpose, the book "Using Asia-Pacific War Remains in Our Region: Methods and Examples" was published last month.

Q

You once said that in order to settle issues of the past involving Japanese colonial rule, the Korean government should prove and identify the truth about the harm Japan inflicted. So, what action do you think the Korean government should take first?

Chung Hye-kyung

I think the ideal postwar process of settling issues of the past would be to investigate the truth beforehand and then reinstate the rights of victims. People may think aggressor nations should take the lead in investigating the truth and reflecting on their wrongdoings out of guilt, but so far, none of them have done so. That's why I believe we Koreans need to take matters into our own hands by actively establishing facts about the damage we suffered and searching for resolutions. From that perspective, the Korean government's system for responding to the issue has been rather insufficient. It leaves much to be desired as to whether Korea performed any of its duties as a victim nation and whether efforts were truly made to find solutions apart from urging the aggressor nation to perform its duty. I think it's time for us Koreans to reflect on what we've done so far, consider where we need to focus our efforts on in the future, and devise detailed plans to achieve what's necessary.

Investigating the truth falls under the duty of a country and can later become an asset for the peace of humanity. Like the results of investigation by the Memorial Hall of the Victims in Nanjing Massacre by Japanese Invaders have become a documentary heritage to the world and a precious asset of peace and antiwar, and like the investigation results by Yad Vashem of Israel became the foundation for establishing the Foundation Remembrance, Responsibility and Future in Germany, the Korean government should use the investigation results it has cumulated so far to encourage Japan to look back on its own responsibility as an aggressor nation.

The prerequisite to this would be the Korean government's determination to resolve the issue of forced mobilization. I think the existence of such determination can be verified from whether the currently suspended project of investigating the truth gets resumed or not. If it does, I believe Koreans will be able to sense the sincerity of their government's determination that the president declared through the speech he delivered on National Liberation Day last year.

Q

In your book "Toward the End of the Tunnel," you argue that the Joint Declaration of a New Republic of Korea-Japan Partnership Towards the Twenty-First Century (commonly known as the Kim-Obuchi Joint Declaration for Peace and hereinafter the joint declaration) is the first written statement in which Japan officially mentioned its remorse and apologized for its past and is therefore a mark we need to return to in Korea-Japan relations. What sort of efforts do you think would be necessary to get there?

Chung Hye-kyung

Academia assigns great significance toward the joint declaration for being the starting point for the restoration and advancement of Korea-Japan relations. It was the first time the Japanese government officially used the word apology and clearly acknowledged that the two countries are in an aggressor-victim relationship in terms of issues caused by Japan's colonial rule of Korea.

As was recognized through that joint declaration, the two countries must admit their mistakes and the harm done and must try to clearly establish facts about the past. Rather than recognizing historical issues as matters to be occasionally dealt with diplomatically, it will be important for the two countries to try to understand one another as equals as they constantly work together to build the foundation for a future-oriented relationship.

Q

You also said that Korean civil societies must continue to seek accountability against Japan and appeal to the conscience of the aggressor. Could you please explain the role civil societies should play in order to set the past straight and contribute to the fundamental values of peace and democracy?

Chung Hye-kyung

The land has not yet been cleared enough in Korea for civil societies to act on their own. Scholars must first be equipped with social responsibility and strictly serve their role of having not only Korea and Japan, but the whole world feel the weight of past times of war. Only with such a sense of responsibility will scholars be more careful not to misinterpret historical sources or uncritically accept biased preceding research, and prevent unverified, exaggerated findings from being spread among civil societies. If scholars become able to communicate well with civil societies, such societies can develop healthy views of history, which can help thaw Korea-Japan relations and allow them to seek truth and justice.

It is not well known in Korean society, but there is a surprisingly high number of conscientious citizens in Japan. Therefore, scholars and civil societies need to clear the land together so that the two countries may develop a healthy recognition of history, wipe the dust off the mirror of the past, and build a relationship of trust.

Q

Through his National Liberation Day speech last year, the Korean President Moon Jae-in mentioned that "if inter-Korean relations are improved, the Government would explore the possibility for a South-North joint fact-finding survey on the damage of forced mobilization." Do you think it will be possible for the two Koreas to collaborate on the issue?

Chung Hye-kyung

I think there's no other issue more apt and in need of inter-Korean collaboration than that of forced mobilization. Because matters of the past with Japan involves not just South Korea, but North Korea as well. So, I believe it's necessary for the two Koreas to jointly investigate the damages caused by Japan.

In North Korea, the "Joseon Committee for Victims of Japanese Military Sexual Slavery and Forced Mobilization" has so far published in 1995 a collection of testimonies from comfort women victims titled "Outcry of Encroached Lives," and in 2002, a collection of testimonies from forced mobilization victims titled "Exposé." And in 2017, a combined edition of those two collections was published as a "Source Book on the Truth About the Japanese Military's Sexual Crimes and Forced Mobilization of Koreans." That edition contains no references because it was impossible for North Korea to access relevant sources and lists in Japan, a country it has no diplomatic ties with.

When I was part of the support committee for the investigation of forced mobilization and victims overseas, there was an attempt between the two Koreas to conduct a joint investigation on forced mobilization with the help of relevant agencies and institutions. Among the list of approximately 1.8 million victims the South Korean government compiled since the Roh Tae-woo administration, the domicile of up to 30 percent of such victims is in North Korea and many had their domicile registered as a North Korean area in deposit records. Although the aforementioned North Korean collections are not supported by references, the testimonies in them are likely to be true based on the multiple sources I've compared them with. Coupling documents in Japan with records secured by the South Korean government and damages verified by North Korea would make them more complete as evidence and provide a new breakthrough in responding against Japan's historical distortions.

I think it would be good to start by jointly investigating cases with a particularly high number of North Korean victims like the 731 unit or by jointly holding memorial services for South Korean residents who were mobilized to work in North Korean areas. Projects such as these can gradually lead to other opportunities to cooperate and ultimately contribute to establishing peace in East Asia. I also believe collaborating with North Korea will help revive the South Korean government's interest and capability to investigate past issues and have civil societies recognize such investigations as important tasks.

Q

If there are any ways for the international society to get more actively involved in getting the three Northeast Asian countries to develop a common perception of history for its proper preservation, could you please share them?

Chung Hye-kyung

First, we need to think about why we should remember historical issues with Japan from seventy years ago. It's not merely out of antagonism toward Japan, but because universal values such as freedom, human rights, and peace can be shared by remembering. That is why issues involving comfort women victims, distorted textbook descriptions, and territorial disputes need to be shared with citizens all over the world to form international solidarity. The Korean society must therefore push its victim mentality aside and seriously consider what it needs to do to develop historical issues with Japan into subjects of universal discussion. If historical issues between Korea and Japan can be properly resolved, peace and trust will become established not only between the two countries, but the whole of East Asia.

Q

Not long ago, the row of houses in Bupyeong-gu, Incheon where laborers forced to work at Mitsubishi Heavy Industries used to live was partly torn down. What are your thoughts on finding a balance between redevelopment and the preservation of history and culture?

Chung Hye-kyung

As you know, redevelopment used to begin with complete demolition in Korea. However, the history and stories tied to a certain space over a long period of time become lost once that space disappears. Improving insufficient living conditions, ensuring property rights, and creating a clean environment are of course points that should be considered for people living in a certain space, but it is at the same time necessary to think about preserving meaningful historical and cultural assets.

That doesn't mean residents should be forced to make sacrifices. As we have witnessed from the issue with the Japanese military residence in Sangam-dong, sticking to a didactic approach that stresses the importance of history can only backfire. What is crucial is to help the residents gain a precise grasp of the history of the area where they live and have them take part in incorporating the meaning of that history in their lives.

Q

As Japan distorts and glorifies its past aggression, evidence of Japan's forced mobilization and encroachment are disappearing. This gives reason to more actively collect testimonies from surviving victims and preserve historical sites. To do so, what would be some challenges that need to be tackled beforehand?

Chung Hye-kyung

The outcome the government has gathered from eleven years of conducting investigations, collecting sources, and analyzing records has now become a basis for reinstating victims' rights. Collecting remains and bringing them back has served as an opportunity for Japan to look back on its past wars of aggression. These efforts have led to civilian discoveries of relevant documentation in Korea and Japan, creating a mutual, positive cycle for the government and civil societies.

As more citizens wish to learn about historical issues, what's most important is to accurately convey facts and information. Local governments could use remains in their area to raise awareness about local history by carrying out programs at historical sites where locals may participate in remembering how painful wars can be and how precious peace is.

Q

Finally, we'd like to ask for any advice you may have for the Northeast Asian History Foundation in terms of academic research and international exchange on Japan's forced mobilization.

Chung Hye-kyung

It would be great if the Foundation could work on projects that can support a mid-to-long term plan with a certain goal in mind for investigating and studying Japan's forced mobilization. Sorting out related laws and publishing glossaries are difficult for a single researcher to handle. The international workshop the Foundation hosted in 2013 was a good example of sharing diverse approaches to understanding developments in related countries. The event showed that in trying to overcome historical conflicts, the Foundation should be involved in projects that contribute to sharing accurate historical facts and objective perceptions of history.

Civil societies will play an increasingly greater role in resolving historical issues with Japan. So, perhaps the Foundation could also broaden its support for field trips focused on history and culture or projects run by local governments that are related to the history of forced mobilization.