Newsletter

Kim Hyun-chul

Senior researcher at the Institute on Korea-Japan Historical Issues, Northeast Asian History Foundation

After graduating from the department of diplomacy at Seoul National University (SNU), Kim obtained master’s and doctorate degrees in politics at SNU’s graduate school. He served as a senior fellow at the Rightful History Planning Corps for Northeast Asian Peace in 2005 and has been with the Northeast Asian History Foundation as a researcher since its inception. He taught Korean history of diplomacy and international relations in Northeast Asia at SNU, Korea University, and the Academy of Korean Studies. Kim wrote papers on Korea’s modern history of diplomacy, political history, and history of Northeast Asian international relations including, “Qing’s Policy on Joseon During the Open-Door Period.” His books include, ”A History of Social Science Concepts in Korea: From Tribute to Informatization” (co-authored), and, “East Asia and Future Korea in the Gapo Year: 1894 and 2014” (co-authored).

2019 is a special year for the Republic of Korea, as the centennial of the March 1st Movement and the establishment of the Provisional Government is celebrated. The March 1st Movement, which declared Korea’s independence, was a resistance movement that was under way nationwide. This movement brought all people together, regardless of sex, age, and social status, which eventually led to the establishment of the Provisional Government. In other words, the March 1st Movement and the establishment of the Provisional Government was a watershed moment in our history. Thus, the Institute on Korea-Japan Historical Issues, affiliated with the Northeast Asian History Foundation, has been carrying out research projects related to these incidents since last year. Researcher Kim Hyun-chul was interviewed to discuss these projects.

Q

Marking the centennial of the March 1st Movement and the establishment of the Provisional Government, the Northeast Asian History Foundation has been carrying out research projects related to these incidents since last year. There must be reasons the foundation began carrying out these research projects. Please tell us about the projects’ backgrounds and what has been done thus far.

A

These research projects were launched last year and will be conducted over a period of three years. The March 1st Movement and the establishment of the Provisional Government belong to our history but have a great significance to East Asia, especially in terms of relations between Japan and China. Because the foundation is an organ dealing with history and pending issues between Korea and Japan, it has been making ceaseless efforts to reinterpret them in a modern sense. These projects also can be understood in the same context. In 2018, when the projects were initiated, we delved into the background of the period of time just before the March 1st Movement, in terms of history and the history of ideas. This year, we are trying to understand the meaning of the March 1st Movement and the national independence movement from the perspective of world history. Namely, we are working on how republicanism and other various peace theories affected and were reflected in the March 1st Independence Declaration and the Provisional Government’s international activities. Next year, we will study the influence of the March 1st Movement both at home and abroad, and compare provisional governments across the world. Specifically, this is intended to compare activities of our Provisional Government with those of governments in exile in Europe and other countries. Results produced from these research projects will be published in a series that will eventually be distributed.

Q

On November 21 of last year, the Foundation held an academic conference with the theme of the “Background and Meaning of the March 1st Movement and the Establishment of the Provisional Government.” The conference primarily dealt with criticism surrounding the theory of social evolution and the acceptance process of republicanism. What was discussed at the conference?

A

The conference on November 21 was a time to unveil the research results of the “History Before the March 1st Movement: Criticism of the Theory of Social Evolution and the Formative Process of Republicanism” to Korea. The declaration of “democratic republicanism” in the Provisional Charter of the Republic of Korea on April 11, 1919 was a historic event. Thus, the phenomenon of power politics based on the logic of power in the March 1st Movement was criticized during last year’s conference, and the process of aiming for “republicanism” was re-illuminated as an alternative. In the first session held under the theme, “Propagation of the Western Theory of Social Evolution and Republicanism, and Acceptance in Korea,” we analyzed efforts to escape the theory of social evolution that justified the survival of the fittest up until the March 1st Movement. In addition, we had time to discuss the process in which the concept of republicanism was introduced and accepted in Korea. The second session was held under the theme, “Korean Independence Activists’ Criticism of the Social Evolution Theory and Aspects of Republican Perception in the Early 21st Century.” Focusing on activists such as Park Eun-sik, Yi Sang-ryong, Sin Chae-ho, and Jo So-ang, participants looked at awareness surrounding republicanism with concrete examples. We also looked at the way in which independence movement groups abroad had conceived the concept of “republicanism.” The third session, which took place in the form of a comprehensive discussion, was held under the theme, “Characteristics and Implications of Republican Formation as the Ideological Background of the March 1st Movement and the Provisional Government.” Through the last conference, we were able to confirm that the March 1st Movement was realized under the influence of diverse international circumstances, in addition to the Paris Peace Conference and the principle of national determination. We also revealed the fact that the ideological and intellectual background of the Provisional Government was established as a result of the March 1st Movement as a peace movement.

Q

Words like “republicanism” or “republican form of government” are frequently used when discussing the Provisional Government of the Republic of Korea. I am curious about those who participated in the establishment of the Provisional Government in the process of abolishing the monarchy and accepting republicanism, or independence activists, and what they thought about republicanism.

A

Even under the monarchical system in the latter era of the Joseon Dynasty, republicanism had been introduced and stories advocating such a system were written. However, it was difficult to mention the expression “republicanism” officially until King Gojong of the Korean Empire was forcibly dethroned in 1907, as denying the monarchy made one a traitor. At that time, however, candidates for presidency were mentioned in public when republicanism was introduced into the country. People who indirectly experienced republicanism executed in countries such as the U.S. and Britain, that exercised advanced political systems, thought that Korea’s politics should also be changed. “Observations from a Journey to the West” (Seoyukyunmun) by Yu Kil-chun introduces five political systems within the “type of government.” But Yu insinuated preference towards the constitutional monarchy, using the phrase, “A political system ruled by the king and the people together,” to describe the system that he preferred. He did not use the word “republicanism,” but actually sought to change the monarchy. The “New People’s Association,” established by An Chang-ho and other activists, was a secret organization that pursued the ideology of republicanism. However, there were others who were worried about how republicanism should take shape and be established. Park Yong-man, one of the three leaders who led the ethnic Korean society in the U.S. during Japan’s colonial rule with An Chang-ho and Rhee Syng-man, asserted the “Theory of the Intangible State.” His claim that it would be possible to create a Provisional Government, despite the loss of sovereignty and land, because there were people, was the most notable part of his theory. The word “republicanism” was not used directly, but a number of independence movement groups from the 1910’s preferred a “non-monarchical” form of government. During last year’s academic conference in November, there were meaningful discussions about whether to look at this as an extension of republicanism, and about the fact that the expression, “Republicanism,” might have been used as a slogan symbolizing the chronological change from the belief that any form of government that was not monarchical, would be fine. We have already experienced both democracy and republicanism in Korea, and I think that republicanism can come from the aspects supplementing areas in which democracy lacks. However, at the same time, I wonder if other people’s experiences be different. Thus, I think that republicanism was acceptable from the public’s perspective that wondered, “Since the Korean Empire has collapsed, the government of our newly built state must not take the form of monarchy. What word would express these sentiments?”

Q

The Foundation is reportedly preparing an international conference to commemorate the centennial of the March 1st Movement and the establishment of the Provisional Government on April 9. Will there be a mention of national independence movements and democratic republicanism around the world at that time?

A

We are scheduled to hold an international academic conference on April 9 at the Press Center. This conference will cover the theme of the meaning of the March 1st Movement and the Provisional Government from a worldly, historical perspective. The conference will reexamine republicanism as a concept, the progress of the national independence movement as the background of the March 1st Movement and the Provisional Government, and the external activities of the Provisional Government. During the first part, we will look at how the independence movement was conducted across the world after World War I. Cases in Ireland, China, Japan, and Korea will be examined and compared. Professor McCary of Queen’s University in Belfast, Dr. Heu Zungzwin of China’s Academy of Social Sciences, Naoki Mizuno of Japan’s Kyoto University, and Shin Hyo-seung, a researcher at the Foundation, are all preparing presentations.

During the latter part of the conference, we will discuss how to interpret the specific meaning of the March 1st Independence Declaration and delve into relations between the Provisional Government and East Asian countries, particularly China and Japan. Professor Jang In-sung of Seoul National University will speak on the peace theory and cosmopolitanism featured in the March 1st Independence Declaration. Yun Dae-won, researcher at the Seoul National University Kyujanggak Institute for Korean Studies, will discuss the significance of the democratic republicanism involved in the March 1st theory of revolution. Professor Jeong Jin-seok of Hankuk University of Foreign Studies will deliver a lecture on thoughts and ideas that appeared in the Chosun Ilbo and the Donga Ilbo, both of which were established after the March 1st Movement. Seo Jong-jin, a researcher at the Foundation, will speak on how Japan’s colonial rule changed after the March 1st Movement. Chang Se-yun, another researcher at the Foundation, will give a presentation on the Provisional Government’s activities in Shanghai. It will be an academic conference intended to compare Korea, China, and Japan, and then separately compare Korea and Europe, in an international context, and to reinterpret the meaning of the March 1st Independence Declaration.

Q

Looking back on our society and academic circles, many scholastic events have been held to celebrate specific anniversaries, but we may have been negligent in continuously contemplating their significance and accomplished tasks. Even after the centennial of the March 1st Movement and the establishment of the Provisional Government, will the Foundation perform research projects related to these events?

A

The March 1st Movement and the establishment of the Provisional Government are important this year, as it is their 100th anniversary, but they are topics in which we must continue to show interest. There has been plenty of research done so far but this should not be the end. Despite many research projects, what has been done still leaves much to be desired. Therefore, it is necessary conduct more intense and in-depth research in order to identify what is lacking. For example, in 2009 and 2010, various events were held to commemorate the centennial of patriot An Jung-geun’s heroic deed. Since then, however, research projects and events have waned little by little. In fact, various research projects associated with patriot An Jung-geun still remain, including research on his theory on peace in East Asia. Scholars have to untangle these problems one by one and I believe that the Foundation is destined to play this role. I do not know if academics’ and people’s interest in the March 1st Movement and the Provisional Government would remain this high, even after several years. But I hope that this enthusiasm will continue for a long time, despite the fact that the centennial has already passed. The Foundation is also conducting research projects with this in mind. The impact of both the March 1st Movement and the activities of the Provisional Government must be clarified in detail, in the context of changes in world history at that time and in the context of international relations in East Asia. In addition, we plan to shed new light on how the international community, including Japan, China, the U.S., and Europe, viewed the March 1st Movement by investigating and analyzing related records and data.

Q

Marking the centennial of the March 1st Movement, we may have to cautiously contemplate how we will steer international relations with East Asian countries in the future, once again. In this respect, the Foundation’s moves in the future are expected to attract attention. Currently at the Foundation, are there any research projects related to Korea-Japan historical issues?

A

Patriot An Jung-geun killed Itō Hirobumi, and while in prison, he listed out each and every one of the crimes that Itō Hirobumi commited. He pointed out all of Japan’s problems one by one. Then again, An suggested the theory of peace in East Asia with respect to how Korea, China, and Japan would get along together. The Foundation needs to identify problems caused by Japan’s invasion and colonial rule of Korea while clearing up the wrongdoings committed by Japan. By doing so, Korea will be able to correctly point out and rectify errors, should Japan make absurd remarks or distort textbooks in the future. On the other hand, 2020 will mark the 110-year anniversary of Japan’s annexation of Korea. On such an occasion, we may need to develop methods of steering Korea-Japan relations in a more future-oriented direction. In other words, the Foundation might have to play the part of suggesting steering methods, for the sake of reconciliation and peace in East Asia, while pointing out and correcting Japan’s mistaken perception of history. The Foundation has long been interested in Korea-Japan relations. We have been collecting and verifying historical data concerning issues such as unequal treaties with Japan, Japanese colonial rule, forcible mobilization, and Japanese use of “comfort women.” The Foundation has refuted Japan’s wrongful claims when related issues came forth, and we will continue to do so.

While this requires many efforts by the Foundation, I think this is an area where we should join forces and work together with domestic academics and foreign scholars in order to tackle this problem.