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100 Years of the Chinese Communist Party and Dreams of Strong Nation

The political system between Korea and China is different. Korea is a liberal democracy, and China is a socialist state. In other words, the Communist Party is a state. The National People's Congress is the legal top authority. But the real power is held by the ruling party, the Chinese Communist Party. According to 「Renmin ribao(人民日报)」(2021.6.30), the member of the Communist Party increased from 50 to 95.14 million at the time of its founding in 1921, and the total number of basic organizations of the party was 4.86 million. The Chinese Communist Party has suffered the first and second civil wars(1927–1936, 1946–1949) since its establishment. But they have been in power for 100 years. This is unusual in the history of political parties around the world.

New China became a permanent member of the United Nations Security Council on behalf of Taiwan in 1971 during Mao Zedong, and became the center of international politics. The Chinese economic reform during Deng Xiaoping in the 1980s was the basis of China's economic rise. In the 1990s, China was aware of the collapse of the USSR and strengthened its education of 'chauvinism'. In the 2000s, China in the Hu Jintao period rose to the ranks of a great power and expanded on the basis of patriotism, Chinese nationalism, and Chinese socialist ideology. And in the 2010s, China is expanding beyond East Asia to Africa and Europe through international strategy such as Chinese dream, Belt and Road Initiative, New Model of International Relations and construction of Community with a Shared Future.

The Biden government of the United States strongly checks China's influence in East Asia and the Indo-Pacific(Taiwan, South China Sea, and the Korean Peninsula), which is the same as the policy implemented by the Trump administration. The Xi Jinping government is fighting hard without any concessions. Rather, since the official launch of the Xi Jinping government in 2013, the relationship with the United States has been set as the New Model of Major-Country Relations. Then it changes to the New Model of International Relations. In particular, The 19th National Congress of the Chinese Communist Party(2017) amended the provisions of the Constitution relating to the presidential term limits. At the time, China completed institutional maintenance to enable Xi Jinping to rule indefinitely(2022-). China's International Strategy, which focuses on the ideology and policy of 'Xi Jinping's New Age', will affect US-China relations, East Asia and the Korean peninsula for a considerable period of time.

NAHF held an academic conference on October 15 under the theme of '100 Years of the Chinese Communist Party: China Changing into a Strong Nation and the relationship between Korea and China'. At the conference, we looked at how China's perception of the Korean peninsula was formed in the process of 'changing into a strong nation'. And we discussed the 'consistency' of geopolitical perception on the Korean peninsula and the 'deviation' due to changes in international situation. In the process, we explored the policy on China through the US-China strategic competition over the Korean peninsula and the research of Taiwan and Vietnam experts.

China to Change into Strong Nation, and Historical Perceptions of the Korean Peninsula

The characteristics of each period can be seen by looking at the perception of the Korean peninsula and the relationship between Korea and China accompanied by change to the Strong Nation by each regime. Professor Kim Han-kwon of the Korea National Diplomatic Academy cited the best case of the perception of China's Korean peninsula during Mao's reign(1949–1971). It was the Chinese decision to 'War to Resist US Aggression and Aid Korea' after the outbreak of the Korean War, and participated in the war. Kim said that the Korean Peninsula is traditionally a geopolitical hub where continental forces and marine forces collide. He analyzed that the Korean peninsula during the Cold War was a region of Northeast Asia where communist forces expanded and was recognized as a strategic hub in conflict with the United States to stop communism.

Professor Lee Moon-ki of Sejong University examined the process of China's policy change on the Korean Peninsula for about 20 years from the Detente period between the US and China in the early 1970s to the Korea-China diplomatic relations in 1992 as a view of forming a peace system on the Korean Peninsula. The early 1990s was the most mature time for the formation of a peace regime on the Korean peninsula. Lee said that the Korea-China diplomatic relations, which was hastily promoted while excluding North Korea, left the Korean peninsula as an ‘island of cold war’. He pointed out that Korea-China diplomatic relations should be reassessed in that the world did not take the best opportunity to form a peace regime.

Professor Lee Dong-ryul of Dongduk Women's University has spoken about China's perception of the Korean Peninsula during the Jiang Zemin-Hu Jintao era, a major inflection point. He pointed out that the Korean Peninsula is geopolitically good-neighbor with China and is directly influenced by China's strategy. And he analyzed the Northeast Project from an international political perspective. Lee also pointed out that the two countries should not stop suture the conflict factors caused by the Northeast process, but should have negotiated and focused on the fundamental solution. Then, through the experience of resolving the conflict, we were able to lay the foundations of the bilateral relations and to make good efforts.

U.S.-China Strategic Competition and Taiwan, Vietnam, and the Korean Peninsula

Professor Min Byeong-won of Ewha Womans University dealt with ‘the image of China in the US during the Xi Jinping’ period from the perspective of international political theory. He analyzed that China's economic and military capabilities are not enough to exceed the United States, but at least it can play a role of a spoiler that can shake up the liberal world order led by the United States. And this view is diagnosed as a 'supporter' that China is responsible for adapting to the US-led liberal order, and a 'shirker' that maximizes national power but does not contribute to the international community.

Professor Zhou Jiachen of Taiwan National University analyzed the history and reality of cross-strait relations(兩岸關係) from Taiwan's perspective and suggested implications for the Korean peninsula. Zhou said a significant change occurred in One China Policy during Trump's presidency in 2016. And he defined Taiwan-related issues as a leverage of U.S. policy toward China and an important indicator of its success. The reason why think tanks in the United States suggest to their country to take a reservation in intervening in Taiwan-related issues is because of the Chinese leader's strong will to get back Taiwan. This is similar to the dispute between General MacArthur and the Truman government, which occurred in the crisis situation on the Korean peninsula in 1950. Although the Biden government says it defends and supports Taiwan, the US strategic ambiguity over Taiwan remains. In addition, he analyzed that political factors in China for nationalism and the maintenance of the regime are also affecting cross-strait relations.

Professor Zhang Hongyuan of Chihlee University of Technology predicted: "Nationalism is a major ideology in the Xi Jinping government, and it serves to consolidate Xi Jinping's third term, and his power system. However, Xi Jinping will not use it to address the issue with Taiwan." It is because Xi has already established his position in the party through 'eradicating extendreme society' and 'building well-off society'.

Professor TRAN THI THUY of Vietnam Academy Of Social Sciences said Vietnam has an important geopolitical position where Chinese and American strategies intersect. He dealt with the strategic competition between China and the US over Vietnam and the implications for the Korean peninsula, and introduced Vietnam's foreign policy that meets its national interests rather than getting a lift on either side. Vietnam does not participate in military groups or federations in China and the United States. And they do not allow any country to set up military bases in Vietnam. They maintain the principle that they do not rely on a particular country and do not oppose a particular country. Vietnam is developing in many fields by solving its historic resentment with the United States. It also clarifies its position that it will ‘cooperate and fight’ in its relationship with China. TRAN THI THUY suggested that South Korea should focus on the interests of the nation on all the issues raised in its relationship with the great powers.

Vice-chairman Nguyen Vinh Quang of the Vietnam-China Friendship Association said that it is not easy to apply Vietnam's diplomatic principles as it is because Korea is divided. However, he stressed that the Panmunjom Declaration in 2018 should continue for the future peace regime on the Korean peninsula.

Research Tasks

Professor Zheng Jiyong of Fudan University, Professor Wang Junsheng of Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, and Professor Cheng Xiaohe of Renmin University of China commented on China's position on the US strategic ambiguity over Taiwan. What the three Chinese scholars have shared is that the United States is strategically maintaining some level, and China can not tolerate the continued distancing of the United States. They stressed that China's position is that Taiwan may not be able to maintain the current situation unless the United States changes its way of action. Among them, Zheng Jiyong said that the 'public opinion' according to historical environment and political conditions has a greater impact on the conflict with the United States, the problems related to Taiwan, and the perception of China on the Korean peninsula than the thoughts, attitudes and policies of the leader.

After the video conference, I wondered what Zheng said at the end of the meeting was the historical environment and political conditions of the current Chinese leader. The former is 'Xi Jinping·New era', and the latter is condensed into 'revival of the Chinese people'. Then, I wondered more about the time of the 'Xi Jinping·New era', which was adopted by the 19th National Congress of the Chinese Communist Party(2017), and included in the party's charter. According to President of the Institute of Party History and Literature of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China, Qu Qingshan, the time period of 'Xi Jinping·New era' is from 2012 to 2050. Qu classified the ‘Two Centenaries’ as ‘revolution→construction→reform→opening up’. He defined the goal of the section as four stages: 'save the nation→rejuvenate the nation→wealthy nation→powerful nation'. And 'Xi Jinping·New era' is struggling for 'strong nation' and it is the stage to realize 'great revival of the Chinese people'.

So what is 'public opinion' to meet the realization of 'Strong Nation' and 'Chinese Dream' in which 'Xi Jinping·New era' struggles? Since economic reform, China's public opinion has been revealed in the transition to Strong Nation. The Chinese Communist Party faced a crisis with the 'Tiananmen Square Protests and Massacre (1989.6.4), which was the peak of Chinese economic reform and democratization during Deng Xiaoping. Two years later, Jiang Zemin began to train patriotic generations by teaching the history and fate of the nation to people from kindergarten to college. Jiang's teaching was simple. According to Clive Hamilton, author of 『Silent Invasion: China's Influence in Australia』, what China taught is this: “For a century after the Opium War in the mid-19th century, China was bullied and humiliated by foreigners. At that time, feudal rulers were corrupt, but many Chinese bravely gave their lives to defend the country. They fought against imperialism, and liberated the country in 1949, so they proved that Chinese people could not be bullied. And in 1949, the Communist Party put China on track to regain its past glory as a great country, the world’s greatest civilized nation.” As such, Xi is also holding on to Jiang's patriotism. The basic ideology that unites Chinese society and justifies the rule of the Communist Party is patriotism. Xi is strengthening his nationalist tone of the great revival of the Chinese people.

Six Korean papers and two overseas papers were presented at this conference, and five foreign scholars participated as debaters. A Chinese scholar presented future research tasks. “Public opinion has a impact on China’s perception on the Korean Peninsula and China heads to a strong nation, rather than the ideology or policy of the supreme leader.” I wonder how the public opinion of 1.4 billion Chinese people will be revealed in the process of realizing the revival of the Chinese people in the section of 'Xi Jinping·New era' until 2049. And how much it affects the relationship between Korea and China will be the subject of interest.

The U.S.-China strategic competition over the initiative in East Asia is intensifying. Vietnam's diplomatic principles proposed by a Vietnamese scholar to Korea are also one of the new research tasks. Their diplomatic principle of not relying on a particular country, not against a particular country: when is it feasible on the Korean Peninsula?