뉴스레터

Park Kyung-mok

Director of Seodaemun Prison History Hall

Mr. Park majored in Korean history and received his masters and doctorate degree at Chungnam National University. As a research director at the Association for Korean Modern and Contemporary History, and a director at the Seodaemun Prison History Hall, Mr. Park is extremely interest in modern prisons and inmates at Seodaemun Prison. He has published 30 works, including, "Memory and Commemoration of Independence Movement Space," "A Study on the Status and Characteristics of 3.1 Movement Inmates at Seodaemun Prison," "A Study on the Seodaemun Prison During the Japanese Colonial Era," "Status and Features of Female Prisoners at Seodaemun Prison during the Japanese Occupation Period," and, "Prison Life of Seodaemun Prison in 1930s."

Seodaemun Prison is fairly different from any other museum. Not only is the museum built to preserve and display historical relics and artifacts, but the Seodaemun Prison itself is a scar of history. A large number of independence fighters and democracy revolutionaries were imprisoned in Seodaemun Prison, which had been used as a prison facility for about 80 years since 1908. These fighters and revolutionaries fought hard for independence and democracy while facing various hardships. This is also why the Seodaemun Prison is being highlighted, as the 100th year anniversary of the March 1^st Movement is celebrated. The following is an interview with Park Kyung-mok, director of the Seodaemun Prison. This interview was conducted to help the public remember the significance of Seodaemun Prison, and to share the stories of the patriots who fought for our independence.

Q

I heard that approximately 650,000 people visit Seodaemun Prison every year. I bet it will be more crowded this year, as it is the 100^th anniversary of the March 1^st Movement. How are you doing these days?

A

The number of visitors did increase a bit because of the 100^th year anniversary of the March 1^st Movement. However, since we normally receive many visitors at Seodaemun Prison, we hardly notice the increase in numbers. These days, inquiries for video shoots, press releases, news coverage and events related to the 100^th anniversary of the March 1^st Movement have increased, so we are happy and busy every day.

Q

With the 100^th year anniversaries of both the March 1^st Movement and the establishment of the Provisional Government, does the Seodaemun Prison have any special plans?

A

Seodaemun Prison is a cultural property designated as National Historic Site Number 324. It is one of only a few cultural properties designated as a state historical site, despite its being built by Japan. In order to cherish this title, we began an exhibition by collecting the cultural assets related to the independence movement - mainly the registered cultural assets. During this exhibition, which is being held under the theme of, "That Day, 100 Years Ago, Enriched by Cultural Assets," handwritten manuscripts by Yi Yuksa, a draft of the nation's foundation doctrine handwritten by Jo So-ang, and the "Taegeukki," or Korean national flag used during the March 1^st Movement are on display. The exhibition will be held until April 21.

In addition, we published a resource book on the March 1^st Movement by sorting through record cards of inmates imprisoned at the Seodaemun Prison during that time. The data that we collected from the 1,014 independence movement prisoners illuminated the overall characteristics of the March 1^st Movement through regional classifications. Furthermore, this data was verified by academic experts. This may be the first time that such a resource book about the inmates from the March 1^st Movement has been published.

Q

It is certainly meaningful work but the process must not have been smooth. Did you face many difficulties?

A

Yes, definitely. The prison record cards were already made available to the public by the National Institute of Korean History. However, it was impossible to know who had actually participated in the March 1^st Movement. So, we began to classify the March 1^st Movement activists two years ago, and then started actively preparing materials for the resource book last year. The workload was enormous and it took a long time to read and identify what was written on the prison record cards. It was quite difficult to analyze the cards one by one because of the large amounts of sloppy handwriting and unfamiliar Chinese characters. However, I think that the educational effect and significance of this resource book will be considerable when it is distributed as research data. One of the effects may be recognition for service. Out of the 1,014 people, 670 have already been distinguished for their service to the country, but there are still over 340 activists who have yet to be recognized. I think that this resource book will be highly valuable as a material proving their exploits, leading to their conferment.

Q

Hearing the words, "Seodaemun Prison," brings to mind certain faces. We know that many members of the Provisional Government were jailed in Seodaemun Prison. Would you mind introducing some of them?

A

Ahn Chang-ho is probably the most prominent figure who was imprisoned here. He was imprisoned in 1935, after being sent back to Korea following his apprehension due to his involvement with activist Yun Bong-gil's bomb-throwing incident in Shanghai’s Hongkew Park in 1932. After being sentenced, he was transferred to Daejeon Prison and later released in 1935. However, Ahn continued his activist activities and was imprisoned again in 1937.

An independent activist named Lee Gyu-chae also served jail time here. He served as a member of the Assembly in the early years of the Provisional Government. Aside from Lee, there were many others who were sent to Seodaemun Prison for collecting war funds. Activists Han Woo-seok and Kim Dong-sun, who were part of the Joseon Independence Army known as the Independence Death Squad, also served jail time here.

Q

Worried that prison could be a place in which pro-independence protests and movements were plotted, Japan classified many independence activists as "ideologists" in order to sanction them. Were imprisoned independence fighters managed differently, compared to ordinary inmates?

A

Imprisonment is not a punishment consisting merely of locking people away in prison. Prison sentences require inmates to engage in productive activities for the purposes of social enlightenment and education. Because political prisoners were not objects of rehabilitation, it was principle to separate them from the common prisoners. Japan defined independence fighters as offenders perpetrating ideology-related crimes and thus, put them under special supervision. Worried that forcing these activists to do labor could lead to the formation of more plots and riots, Japanese imperialists placed them in solitary confinement, where they were ordered to do what was possible in such a restricted space. Of course, there were cases in which complete separation was impossible, due to lack of space or other circumstances. But political offenders were separated if the situation allowed for it, and in some cases, separate prisons were prepared in order to isolate them. The Japanese used say that said political prisoners must be separated thoroughly in order to prevent their ideologies from infecting ordinary people. Here, I think we need to take note of the use of the word, "infect."

After Japan's attempt to suppress the March 1^st Movement, the number of prisoners exceeded the prisons' operational capacity. There are records showing that during and after the 1930's, political offenders were also forced into labor, as supplies were running low. In the late 1930's, efforts were made to change the activists' way of thinking. After all, putting in these efforts meant constraining the problem of making ends meet. Prisoners were placed into grades between 1 and 9 in order to determine food and clothing distribution. Political offenders were given only enough food to keep them alive. Additionally, there was a "progressive treatment system" designed to evaluate inmates once a year. Ideological inmates were not evaluated by the system, but those who would sign the statement, "I pledge allegiance to Your Majesty," were allowed to be evaluated. The severity of the prison's conditions is unimaginable. An anecdote from Lee Gyu-chang, the son of patriot Lee Hoi-young, who was jailed in Seodaumun Prison claims that he suffered from frostbite after placing his hands on the jail bars for 20-30 minutes in the middle of winter. It was also said that excrement was left to boil in the summer. It is easy to imagine that just living in such an environment would have been pain itself.

Q

Prison cell number 8 in the Seodaemun Prison History Hall is famous for being the place where patriot Yu Gwan-sun was imprisoned. Marking the centennial of the March 1^st Movement, films inspired by Yu Gwan-sun such as "A Resistance" (Yu Gwan-sun in Seodaemun Cell No. 8) and "1919 Yu Gwan-sun," are waiting for release. These movies certainly testify to the number of female fighters who fought for independence along with Yu Gwan-sun. I am wondering how many female prisoners were involved in the independence movement and what kind of life they had in prison.

A

Out of the 1,014 inmates documented on the inmate record cards, 33 of them were female. When you think about the figures alone, you realize that just 3.3% of the inmates were female. However, judging from statistics and the other data that we have available on riots in Joseon, the rate of women who participated in the March 1^st Movement did not exceed 3%. So if you compare these numbers, the percentage of female prisoners at Seodaemun Prison was not a small number, at all. Looking at the whole picture of the independence movement, women actually participated very actively. In fact, independence fighters were able to devote themselves to the movement abroad, thanks to their mothers and wives. It's true that the role of women in the independence movement has been buried, but research into female independence activists is actively in progress these days.

Compared to male inmates, female inmates faced harder lives in prison. For example, prisoners had to wake up at 6 a.m. in the summer to begin working, but women had to wake up an hour earlier to begin preparations. As women were required to fix their hair into a chignon, even in prison, they had to wake up earlier than the men. When moving to the factory, it was mandatory to remove all clothing to be examined. This process was fine in the summer but became very complicated in the winter, and women's humiliation would have to have been considerable. Furthermore, because the female prison was smaller than the male prison, population density was a major issue for the women. Also, there were countless problems due to the lack of management personnel. Though it was not a common problem, there was still an issue when it came to nursing children. Park Jin-hong, who was at the center of the anti-Japanese movement in the 1930's, was imprisoned while pregnant and eventually gave birth in prison. The baby was named "Cheol-han," meaning, "Deep resentment against colonial rule behind steel bars.” Because prisoners were only allowed to raise their children in prison for up to one year, Park eventually sent her baby to her hometown. On the day of Park's trial, Park's mother brought the baby to the courtroom. It became an issue, as reporters came to take pictures of such an exclusive news story. Unfortunately, Park's baby died after living less than two years.

Q

This is the last question: what should the March 1^st Movement mean to us?

A

I think the March 1^st Movement was a movement to unify the nation. Individuals who participated in the Movement were different in age, gender and social status, but they were all united under the same goal of national independence. Therefore, I think that the March 1^st Movement carries the symbol of national unification, and it stands as clear evidence that communication and harmony are crucial for transforming the country. Through the March 1^st Movement, our concept of modern nationality was created. In the West, the same concept was realized through the French Revolution. However, in Korea we were able to establish our own concept of modern nationality through the March 1^st Movement, while laying the foundation for the establishment of the Provisional Government of the Republic of Korea.