뉴스레터

Ji Myung-kwan, First Director of the Institute of Japanese Studies at Hallym University, Former Chairman of KBS

Ji Myeong-kwan. He is an intellectual and a thinker familiar with religion, philosophy and history. And he is a scholar who has recorded the days of confrontation and struggle that originated from politics sincerely and accurately, and is the best Japanese expert in Korea. He has also devoted his life to exploring the relationship between Korea and Japan as well as seeking ways to solve the problem of reality with a critical attitude. On the other hand, he used the pseudonym "T·K" in Japan and accused the Korean military regime all over the world. After returning to Korea, he played an active role in opening up Japanese popular culture and establishing future-oriented relations between Korea and Japan. Professor Ji says, “I expect that peace and harmony will come not only on the Korean Peninsula but also throughout Northeast Asia.” So NAHF met him to seek wisdom to solve the rigid Korea-Japan relationship.

Interview | Shim Jae-hyeon, Researcher of the Institute of Japanese Studies at Hallym University & Cho Yoon-soo, Research Fellow of Institute on Korea-Japan Historical Issues at NAHF

Q1. You were born in Japanese colonial era and were liberated at the age of 21. What about the colony you experienced? We also wonder about the relationship between Koreans and Japanese at the time.

My hometown is Jeongjoo, North Pyongan Province, between Pyongyang and the Yalu River. I was born five years after the March 1st Movement. For months under Japanese rule, I was a teacher at Asahi Elementary School in Jeongjoo. That school is the one I graduated from. At that time, the principal was Furukawa, a Japanese who had no humanity. He often scolded us. He made us march past once a week. And to collect oil, we took part in the mobilization of work looking for pine branches with a lot of rosin.

But there are some people I remember. There was a female teacher named Omura among my colleagues. I once criticized the present situation. But a Korean teacher who heard my criticism said, "You are ideologically wrong. I will report you to the police chief." Then Omura defended me. “My father is the chief of police, he’s not the kind of person you say.” At that time, Japanese and Koreans were classified into 'ruling people' and 'controlled people'. However, there was an unexplained relationship with such a standard.

Q2. You entered Kim Il Sung University after liberation. Is there a memorable episode?

In the fall of 1946, Kim Il Sung University opened at the place where Japanese girls' school was located. I entered the Faculty of Education. Most of the professors were Korean scholars. They were people who went north over the border, or went from the Soviet Union. I remember that philosophy class was a very unique deductive lecture. For example, it is assumed that Marx Leninism is a philosophy that serves the people. Then, the class was conducted in a logical way to solve the question 'why'. But no one questioned the premise. And we never discussed it. One thing that's unusual is that there were student party members who had the absolute power to accuse the professor's attitude in class. Student party members have raised the opinion that there are ideological problems for fellow students. They created an atmosphere that made it impossible for others to give different opinions. In a word, they are those who have enough power to expel people. One day, authorities ordered ‘make grassland a field.’ Then, the school cheated and set a goal of achieving 120% of the party's orders. It seemed natural for them to do the act of covering the fields that were not even plowed.

I remember the conversation with Chung Poom-in, who was my homeroom teacher for six years at elementary school, and the situation at that time. When I was suffering from poverty, Chung guided me to enter Pyongyang High School. Thanks to him, I have laid the foundation for free pioneering life. I was influenced by him as a human being and as an educator. After liberation, Chung served as a general secretary of the People's Committee in his hometown and came to Pyongyang to participate in mass meeting. Mr. Chung said, “The future of the communist fatherland will be brilliant, and the contradiction will be overcome.” But I protested to him, “The ‘Fatherland’ is suppressing humans, and is there any fruit of liberation?” Then he said, "That is very reactionary. I will not accuse you, but you will go your way." He stood up. I haven't seen Mr. Chung since that day.

Q3. You fought in the Korean War. Tell me the story of that time.

After liberation, the country was divided into communist and anti-communist forces. In April 1948, Kim Gu visited North Korea refusing to divide the two Koreas, and he was assassinated in June of the following year. And on June 25, 1950, the war broke out. I went down southward. Then I was taken to the National Guard near Masan to support the task of guarding the rear at the Third Security Battalion. And since June of the following year, I have been an interpreter officer in the Third Division.

Humans are cruel in war. The state gives the medal to a man who murdered. To treat others strictly, to be generous to oneself, and to barely live and maintain scanty experience. That life is considered normal. That's why women and children are sacrificed. Soldiers have women during the war. And they commit illegality and corruption to steal supplies, and they kill prisoners against orders. But when the war is over, they become heroes who protect the country. I experienced the battlefield, so when I heard that a military coup took place in 1961, I expected it to have the most unfortunate result in modern Korean history. They can’t make politics right.

Q4. After the division into the two Koreas, you took on the chief editor of the 『Sasanggye』, founded by Jang Jun-ha. What did you learn and feel when you went to Japan and the United States at that time?

The relationship between Korea and Japan resumed at the peak of the military regime's oppression. Jang Jun-ha, who published the 『Sasanggye』, was the leader in the movement against the Korea-Japan agreement. He's the one who actually got me involved in the social participation movement. When the Korea-Japan Agreement became a fact, Jang said, "We need to know about Japan in order to make peace in Northeast Asia and to have insights on the future." And he sent three people who worked at the 『Sasanggye』 to Japan for training.

In December 1965, I was invited by the Japanese branch of the Congress for Cultural Freedom to go to Japan. The Japanese intellectuals I met there were not tied to ideology. They discussed how to realize humanity in society and how to liberate humans. I was born during the Japanese colonial period and spent quite a long time with the Japanese. But I didn’t have a long, deep conversation with them before. The intellectual climate of Japan that I learned through them was amazing. And I learned something from my conversation with them. Japan has already accepted many advanced ideas and has a world-class knowledge-based system. And then, I started seeing the world from a comparative perspective. When I thought about Korea, I thought about Japan as well. And when I thought about Japan, I thought about Korea together. My life changed after visiting Japan that winter. After returning from Japan, I went to study in the United States. I met C. Eric Lincoln, author of 『The Black Muslims in America(1961)』 in the United States. He made me realize the tragic life and reality of American black people. I returned home in 1968.

Meanwhile, the 『Sasanggye』 was the most critical medium for the military regime. So the president and editor were arrested, and the media was closed in May 1970. Then I went to Tokyo University for a year with the special help of Sunwoo Hui(chief editor of Chosun Ilbo), Sumiya Mikio(professor at the university of Tokyo) and Saito Makoto(professor at the university of Tokyo). Among them, Sunwoo made me continue to write articles criticizing the government and resisting the military regime in the Chosun Ilbo and the 『Sasanggye』. I was planning to study the life of Korean intellectuals who were struggling like modern Japanese intellectuals who succumbed to the regime after Meiji.

Q5. You have published 「News from Korea」 in the 『Sekai』 under the pseudonym ‘T·K’ in Japan. And you have informed people of the reality of military dictatorship and the democratization movement. What kind of people did you interact with at the time?

It was one day in late November 1972, not long after arriving in Tokyo. I happened to meet Yasue Ryosuke of the 『Sekai』 on the bus. A few days later, I received a proposal to write about the politics and social situation related to Korea. So I wrote under the pseudonym ‘T·K’ for about 15 years from 1973 to 1988. At that time, the military controlled the media, and the opposition to the system was not sent out of the country. I described the situation in Korea since the proclamation of the Yushin Constitution(7th Amendment of Constitution of Republic of Korea). The article was read not only by Japanese readers but also by the world. And in Korea, many people have read it in secret in the struggle for democratic recovery.

My length of stay was a year. However, Oh Jae-sik, who was in Tokyo as an secretary of the Asian Christian Council, suggested to me. “The political situation in Korea is getting worse. They need help from abroad. We are in Tokyo, so let's support the democratization of Korea. The world should know about the struggle in Korea.” His words were the occasion to extend the length of stay of 1 year to 20 years. And fighting for the democratization of Korea became the first purpose of my stay in Tokyo.

To achieve the goal, the support of Japanese seniors and friends was essential. The reality of military dictatorship and the news of democratization movement were delivered to Japan, centering on Pastor Kim Kwan-sik of the National Council of Churches in Korea. The intellectual group of Oh Jae-sik, Kim Yong-bok, Morioka Iwao(Editor of 『The Gospel and the World』, published by the Shinkyo Publishing Company), Ogawa Keiji·Haashima Akira(Professor of Tokyo Women's University), Sumiya Mikio·Saito Makoto(Professor of Tokyo University) and the National Council of Churches in Japan supported the democratization of Korea. In addition, Dr. Paul Schneiss of Germany and many others have led to a line called 'democratization of korea'. Behind the scenes, the World Council of Churches helped to provide economic support and spread information around the world. Then we thought that a new international solidarity for Korean democratization had begun.

Q6. You created a Korean-Japanese solidarity supported by Japanese intellectuals, media, and citizens. Could it be said that it led to the exchange between the countries and citizens of Kim Dae-jung government? What was the driving force that the Korean government was able to improve the relationship between Korea and Japan at that time?

At that time, the political relations between the two countries were not good, but the relations between the people were good. At first, both governments ignored the relationship between citizens. At first, both governments ignored the relationship between citizens. But the relationship got stronger, and the government had to accept it. At that time, Korea advocated ‘the government of the people’. We actively supported civil society from the beginning, and Japan was quite hesitant and gradually improved. The most friendly Japanese regime for South Korea was Prime Minister Obuchi Keizo. In 1998, ‘Japan-South Korea Joint Declaration: A new Japan-Korea Partnership towards the 21st Century’ was declared. As a result, Japan's Popular Culture was opened, and the relationship between the oppressor and the oppressed changed into a future-oriented partnership. Citizens put pressure on the government, criticized policy, and united with each other. They led the transition of the relationship between Korea and Japan.

Q7. Korea and Japan are sharply at odds due to past history. Is there any way to solve the relationship between Korea and Japan centered on citizens?

I think that Korea and Japan have built a special relationship in a long history. Now, people don't recognize the relationship as special. Even so, the relationship between citizens should be left as it is. The government should not step up and try to control it. In order to revitalize civil relations, we need people who know the society and circumstances of Korea and Japan. I hope the intellectual exchange is more active. Japan has many conservative figures around the people who have power. So, if we leave it that way, the country will move in a conservative direction. But nowadays, the Japanese people do not give the opposite opinion. When the Japanese people who disagree with the government and the Korean people are united, and when the solidarity becomes stronger, the Japanese government seems to move a little. There should be such people among the Japanese people. We need a Japanese expert who knows the Japanese government, knows Japanese citizens well, and knows Japan well.

Q8. Please make a suggestion for future Korea-Japan relations.

The relationship between Korea and Japan has been through a lot of difficulties. However, the relationship between the two countries is in a new phase. Now I hope that the relationship will recover as soon as possible. Even if there is a problem, the good citizens should not be damaged. We must make civil exchanges that do not depend on politics. I'm sorry I can't go to Japan because of Covid-19. But nowadays, we can meet at any time through the Internet. I hope that the citizens of Korea and Japan will make friendship and harmonize together. It's better if you become an expert in leading Korea-Japan relations. Thanks to the NAHF, I came to think about the relationship between Korea and Japan.