뉴스레터

Fuse Tatsuji

Fuse Tatsuji (布施辰治, 1880-1953), ashamed of being a citizen of imperialist Japan, was Japan's conscience. As a human rights lawyer, Fuse took the side of colonial subjects oppressed by Japan's rule. "Much knowledge and long-term learning is required to develop a philosophy to do away with the law of the jungle and put the said philosophy into action under the ideology of fraternity. Law, along with ethics, is a fundamental social principle, which is why studying law is a part of one's philosophical research (The Life of a Lawyer, 1963)." Fuse studied law in order to become a lawyer and help the powerless.

Fuse, a staunch supporter of the Korean independence movement, even published a paper entitled "My Respect to Joseon's Independence Movement" in 1911. After helping Choi Pal-yong and Baek Gwan-su—leaders of the February 8 declaration of independence—with their court cases, Fuse vowed to offer his help to not only labor and farmers' movements in Japan but also take on "cases defending the interests of the Joseon people."

"Every human must listen to his/her voice that tells him/her the kind of life s/he should lead. This is the voice of conscience. In accordance with this voice, I solemnly declare a 'self-revolution.' I cannot but feel the swift tide of social movements. I used to be what one could call a 'warrior of the court.' As a member of the public, I declare that from this day forth, I will devote the rest of my life to social movements. I will shift the main stage of my activities from the courtroom to society." ("Confession of a Self-Revolution," From Courtroom to Society, 1, 1920)

Taking up the study of law to defend the powerless

To implement the declaration of self-revolution, Fuse pledged that he would take on the following cases regardless of whether or not they were civil or criminal litigations: "1. Case wherein a subject was forced by government authorities to confess to a crime that did not transpire in reality or take on undue burden; 2. Case wherein a subject is suffering from the tyranny of capitalists and the wealthy; 3. Case wherein government authorities are interfering with the truth claimed by a subject accused of a journalistic crime; 4. Case of the proletarian class fighting against the suppression of a social movement; 5. Case of a struggle against discrimination; and 6. Case to defend the interests of Koreans and Taiwanese."

For Fuse, who appointed himself as a lawyer of the people, ethnicity was not an issue. His stance on Korean independence is clearly exemplified in the following passage:

No matter how much flowery language is used to embellish Japan's annexation of Joseon, the annexation was, in reality, a form of capitalist and imperialist aggression. It was only a matter of course that the people of Joseon would come to be more heavily exploited and oppressed. The exploitation and oppression of the Joseon people is especially pronounced because the realities of the annexation reveal a blatant and terrible brutality. This is the reason why the independence movement of the Joseon people brings tears to the eyes of the Japanese proletariat and why the people of Joseon are carrying out a systematic proletarian liberation movement. I believe this is why we need to pay close attention to and do our part in the liberation movement of the Joseon people." (Red Flag, 1923).

When he came to Korea in March 1926, he sent a letter of apology to Chosun Ilbo and Dong-A Ilbo regarding the massacre of Koreans following the Great Kanto Earthquake of 1923. The letter is deeply moving. "I may have been born in Japan and work there, but I do not submit myself to a nationalist framework in my outlook or activities. In order to prove this, I want to openly relay to the people of Joseon my beliefs and feelings concerning the massacre of Joseon people immediately after the earthquake. As a Japanese national, I extend my heartfelt apologies and a sense of responsibility to the people of Joseon in regards to the massacre of Joseon people." Although he was the "vanguard of Japan's proletarian movement" who viewed class liberation as a shortcut to resolving ethnic issues, he was not a narrow-minded socialist entrenched in class consciousness. This is illustrated by Fuse's understanding of the 1927 Korean Communist Party incident as a form of resistance by the entire Korean nation.

"The Communist Party case is not a simple criminal case or a court case. In actuality, the incident was a form of defiance and resistant against the tyranny of the Governor-General's rule. It is a case pertaining to all Joseon people who had no choice but to defy the tyrannical rule of the Governor-General. The case is not limited to the 100 defendants currently standing in court. I believe the defendants represent all Joseon people fighting against the Governor-General's tyrannical rule and that these warriors at the frontlines of the resistance have been taken by the enemy as prisoners of war." (Liberation, 7(1), 1928).

That is why despite political and ideological differences, Fuse took on the "Case of the Violation of the Explosives Control Penalty" (1924) of Kim Ji-seop, member of Euyeoldan [Righteous Army], as well as the "Treason Case" (1926) of Park Yeol and Kaneko Fumiko [金子文子], who plotted to throw a bomb and assassinate the Japanese emperor.

First Japanese to be awarded Korea's Order of Merit for National Foundation

"While the Imperial Diet of Japan expresses regret over the political issues, it cites statistics to publicize the accomplishments of the industrial relations [with Korea]. The fundamental suspicion over colonial industry is that no matter how much industrial advances are achieved or how much improvement is made to agricultural facilities, they are not for the benefit of thee colonial subjects. The governance of the Governor-General prioritizes Japan. Therefore, the profits of colonial ventures are remitted to Japan. I am against the so-called 'colonial policy' and yearn for the liberation of the colonized peoples." ("Joseon's Industry and the Farmers' Movement," 1926)

Fuse had penetrating insight into the nature of Japan's colonial rule and earnestly hoped for the independence of the Korean people. In 1932, Fuse was put on disciplinary trial for contempt of court and his license to practice law was revoked. In the following year, he was indicted for violating press laws and sentenced to three months in prison. After Japan's defeat in the Pacific War, Fuse resumed his practice of law. He co-wrote the "Ideological Framework of the Draft of the Founding Constitution of Joseon" (1946) with Korean expatriates in Japan and continued to demonstrate his unwavering love of Joseon.

"You were an invaluable figure to the people of Joseon; you were like our father, eldest brother, and savior."

Fuse passed away in 1953 at the age of 73. Yu Jong-mok, a Korean monk in Japan, wrote a eulogy in Fuse's honor. As the above line from the eulogy exemplifies, Fuse Tastuji the human rights lawyer lives on in the heart of the Korean people as the Korean version of Schindler. For the contributions he made in helping Korean independence fighters in their court cases, Fuse became the first Japanese to be awarded the Order of Merit for National Foundation by the Republic of Korea. Fuse was an exceptional figure. Therefore, memories of Fuse shine more brightly as a beacon of hope for the civil societies of Korean and Japan that dream of the two nation's peaceful and mutually beneficial coexistence.