뉴스레터

Editor's Note: On October 17, 2013, the NAHF hosted an international conference in its main conference room on "Historical Reconciliation and Challenges for Establishing Peace in Northeast Asia." There were a total of 15 participants, including NAHF Research Fellows and scholars from Japan and China, such as University of Tokyo Professor Takahashi Tetsuya (高橋哲哉) and Peking University Professor Liang Yuanxiang (梁云祥). They had heated discussion on such topics as "Present Meaning of History of War in Northeast Asia" and "Perception on History and Challenges for Establishing Peace in Northeast Asia." The November Issue of the Northeast Asian History Foundation News presents an in-depth interview with one of the participants, Professor Takahashi, who is thought to be a conscientious scholar of Japan

Lee There are increasingly more conflicts than cooperation in the recent ROK-Japan relations. Please tell us why.

Takahash Since the 1990s, Japanese society has undergone drastic changes on many levels, and is now quite different from what it used to be. Once an economic power where "every citizen belonging to the middle class (一億総中流)," Japan is now a society with the second largest gap between rich and poor in the "developed world," next to the United States. In Japan, poverty has increased, and the mounting national debt is undermining the social safety net. Against this backdrop, the people with complaints about politics and increasing anxiety about the future came to support nationalism promoting "the pride of the Japanese" and populist politicians who advocate it. As a result, animosity toward China and Korea increased, and exclusivism spread without resistance. While Japanese society was disintegrating because of neo-liberalism and, at the same time, nationalism and exclusivism were expanding, the Fukushima nuclear accident occurred, which has made Japanese society even more hopeless than it already was.

Lee Since Shinzo Abe took office as Prime Minister, the political community of Japan has been making an increasingly "rightward shift." And so has Japan's perception of history. Please kindly explain reasons for such shifts.

Takahash "Rightward shift" is often talked about, but it is difficult to define exactly what "right" means here. Is the kind of 'militarism' that existed in 1945 coming back in Japan? I don't think so, if you ask me. But I cannot deny that nationalism is heightening recently in Japan. The heightening of nationalism in Japan was initially sparked by the confrontation with North Korea (especially the kidnapping of Japanese citizens), but currently it is mainly due to the confrontation with Korea and China over historical and territorial issues.
Consequently, the Japanese people's sentiment toward Korea and China is getting worse rapidly. And it seems that so is the Chinese and Korean people's sentiment toward Japan.
Under the circumstances, perhaps almost everyone is feeling a sense of crisis. As I believe that letting the animosity heighten and escalate into war must be avoided at all cost, I would like to do whatever I can to help establish the cool and rational perception of history lest the dangerous nationalism oblivious to reflection on the history of the past be reinforced. In that regard, I think Japan's greatest peril today is that the political forces who forgot to reflect on the history of the past are in power. The Abe administration and the largest ruling party LDP of Japan are very nationalistic in their perception of history and the constitution, and they are arguably the most "rightward-shifted" political forces in post-war Japan since 1947 when the constitution of Japan went into effect.

Lee With the LDP's victory in the upper-house election, Japanese politics is showing a tendency to go back to the past. Especially the ideological inclination of new-generation politicians of Japan and their relationship with Shinzo Abe seem to be contributing to the creation of such an environment. What do you think of this?

Takahash As a politician, Shinzo Abe insists on 'breaking from the post-war regime' and sees the amendment of the constitution as his ultimate goal. The existing Japanese constitution is intended to ensure peace and human rights based on the "universal principle of humanity." On the other hand, however, the constitutional draft proposed by Abe and the right-wing politicians who support his government states that there was first "a nation serving the emperor" with "a long history and a unique culture" and the constitution was established "in order to defend it and pass it on many generations to come." In other words, they are attempting to transform a democratic nation based on universal principles into "a nation serving the emperor" that has much too Japanese quality. They are also saying that they are thinking of turning the Self-Defense Forces into regular forces named "National Defense Forces" and want to make it possible to sent troops overseas all the way to "the other side of the earth" all for the purpose of defending this "nation serving the emperor." I am absolutely against Japan's improvement plan that feels like retrogression to the imperial constitution era.

Lee The 'history of past' and 'comfort women' issues have undermined the ROK-Japan partnership. As a result, the Korean people's sentiment toward Japan cannot be worse. Could you please suggest any solution to this situation from the stance of both Korea and Japan?

TakahashSince the 1990s, the Japanese military sexual slavery, Yasukuni Shrine and other historical issues, and the territorial issues surrounding Dokdo have been the causes of tensions in ROK-Japan relations. On on hand, Japan had not sufficiently reflected on their unjust colonial rule and the damage they had caused Korea, when in the late 1990s the right-wing historical revisionism movement led by the "Society for Making New History Textbooks" arose and generated a rightward trend in the people's mind. Additionally, the Abe administration, the most rightward one ever in the history of the LDP-led administrations, has been established twice, with a stronger tendency than ever to justify Japan's history of aggression. In Korea, on the other hand, as democracy took root, the people began to express their anti-Japanese sentiment more strongly than before, and it has reached the point where the government cannot afford to ignore it. And the media footage covering the 'anti-Japanese' sentiment, in turn, is arousing bad feelings in the Japanese people.

Lee Research Fellow

Lee Unlike in the past, Japan is being very sensitive to Korea's arguments and expressing a high level of animosity toward Korea. And inflammatory organizations such as "Zaitokukai" are active online. What efforts is Japan making to overcome this situation?

Takahash As for the heightening anti-Japanese sentiment in Korea, I think I should first point out, as a Japanese citizen, what can be blamed on Japan. In my opinion, it is clear that the responsibility for the 'comfort women' issue lies with the Japanese military and government. And the Prime Minister's visit to Yasukuni Shrine cannot be approved of for any reason under the constitution. As for the 'comfort women' issue, since the Japanese military sexual slavery is a serious human rights violation, proper measures must be taken without reservation to ensure that Japan definitely accepts their responsibility for it. And the Yasukuni Shrine must sever relations with the state, and agree to withdraw the Koreans buried there. Even from the perspective of a Japanese citizen, I think these things need to be done. The Japan that failed to do so would be an undesirable Japan that is untrue to the principles of democracy or the protection of human rights. As a citizen, I wouldn't want such a Japan. What I'd like to ask the Korean people to do is to investigate and reveal the damage that Japan's aggression caused the Korean peninsula in a positive and detailed manner. Although doing so is the responsibility of Japan as the perpetrator, the incomprehensible reality is that it is viewed only from the perspective of the victim.
The recent emergence of "Zaitokukai" and the like is a new phenomenon. I see it kind of as 'the discrimination against Koreans,' which has existed in history, manifested in modern form as an emotional outlet for the citizens who were feeling unhappy because of the stagnant state of Japanese society. To overcome this phenomenon, it may be necessary to point out that ending such unhappiness is an illusion.
At the same time, it is also necessary for the government, politicians, universities and other public institutions to explain and convince the citizens that such discrimination is wrong and not allowed in democratic societies. As an example, in a recent civil suit, it was decided that Zaitokoku's activities were racial discrimination. I am also in the group of researchers that has made efforts to ensure that exclusivism and ethnic discrimination are not allowed.

Lee In the future, Korea and Japan want to play roles in establishing an East Asian Peace Community beyond historical conflicts. How do you suggest they do so?

Takahash The support for the Abe administration is, at this point, not directed toward their perception of history or the constitution. On the other hand, the heightening of nationalism in national consciousness or mass media is palpable. Therefore, if and when a majority of the people and the mass media start to support the Abe administration's perception of history or the constitution in earnest, Japan's confrontation with Korea or China could become full-scale. I think that to prevent this from happening in terms of both the perception of history and the perception of the constitution is the responsibility of the Japanese aimed at establishing peace in Northeast Asia.
I fully support the notion that overcoming conflicts arising from historical issues and establishing a peaceful East Asia are the common challenges of Korea and Japan. Easy solutions are not easily noticed, but it will help if Japan and Korea created groups of intellectuals and citizens who would recognize the common challenges above and discuss them calmly and objectively based on mutual trust.

Lee While the U.S. is strategically reinforcing partnership with its allies recently, Japan is creating an environment conducive to exercising the right of collective self-defense. Assuming that such moves will continue, what do you see in the future of Japan? And what is Japan's domestic reaction to this trend?

Takahash Professor

Takahash Making the Emperor the head of state and transforming Japan into "a country serving the Emperor" are closely linked to the LDP's primary goal of amending Article 9 of the constitution. Their intent to turn Japan into "a country capable of war with fighting armed forces" is apparent in the draft, which states that Article 9 should be amended to establish the "National Defense Forces" and specify "the right of self-defense" to enable the exercise of the right of collective self-defense. However, since the Japanese people are now completely accustomed to post-war peace, it wouldn't be easy to inspire them with the "fighting spirit."
Even if Japan became "a country capable of war" under the constitution, it would be a country that assumes that people could be killed in action. Given the present society and culture accustomed to post-war peace, I don't think such an assumption will be easy for the people to accept. Therefore, it is thought that it will be absolutely necessary to inspire the people with a sense of national defense supported by "pride and spirit" such that they will be willing to fight and die for "something." That "something" is not simply the state as an abstract concept, nor is it the Prime Minister. It would be difficult to think of anything other than the "number one in the country" who rules over the people and created "the long history and unique culture" that could not be obtained from any other person, that is the Emperor with supreme authority, and Japan as a country that "serves" him.
And if anyone was actually killed in action, it would be certainly difficult to maintain and/or increase the morale of National Defence Forces soldiers who also had chances of being killed in action themselves, unless the state and society expressed their respect and gratitude to them properly. Therefore, it would become essential for the Emperor to attend the supreme ceremony that justifies the death of soldiers. And there is no place fit for such occasion better than Yaskuni Shrine, because it has been known as the "shrine of the Emperor" since its establishment, considered to be a place for pledging allegiance to the Emperor and enshrining the "soul" of the war dead.
What should be noted here is how the Article 20 of the existing constitution, where the separation of church and state is prescribed, has changed in the draft. The Article 20 of the draft prescribes, in the same way as the existing constitution, that "the state, local self-governments, or any other public institutions should not conduct education or other religious activities for specific religion," but has a new clause: "except for those activities that do not go beyond the scope of social manners or convention."
There were a number of cases filed against the former Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi (小泉純一郎), who made official visits to Yasukuni Shrine during his term in office, for violation of Article 20 of the constitution. And in one of those cases, the High Court of Osaka decided in September 2005 that those visits were unconstitutional. However, if the exceptional clause, like the one in this draft, was specified in the constitution, official visits to Yasukini Shrine by the Emperor, the Prime Minister or any other government official would be considered "the acts of paying respects to the war dead within the scope of social manners," and the suspicions of their constitutional violation would be resolved at once. (But ever since the joint memorial service for the class-A war criminals was revealed in 1979, neither the Showa Emperor (Hirohito) nor the current Emperor has visited Yasukuni Shrine.)
Under the circumstances, the attempt to make the Emperor the head of state cannot be dismissed simply as an reactionary act or an anachronism. The LDP has always insisted on "establishing the independent constitution" since it was formed in 1955. This orientation toward strengthening the Emperor's authority is the 'nature of Japan' still permeating the LDP today, a negative legacy of modern history. But it should be seen as a plan essential to "restore Japan" for the people who lost their identity because of internationalization and the widening gap in society where individuals are scattered, and to respond to the new demand of the time, that is the demand by the U.S. that Japan should exercise the right of collective self-defense, meaning join war together.
If and when Japan is allowed to exercise the right of collective self-defense, Japan's existing Self-Defense Forces or future "National Defense Forces" will certainly join forces with the U.S. military and use armed force as a complementary organization. After all, making this happen is the purpose of lifting the ban on exercising the right of collective self-defense. Perhaps there will come a time when Japan will increase military expenditures and become a world-class military power. Whether the Japanese people will acknowledge it depends solely on whether they will accept it or not.

Lee Please tell us anything you may expect from the NAHF in the course of your continuing exchange with Korea.

Takahash I visit Korea a couple of times a year. All told, I have made about ten visits to Korea so far. I think I would like to remain connected to my Korean friends, but I'm afraid my Korean is not good enough. I think that especially when the Korean and Japanese governments and their national sentiments are in fierce conflict and confrontation, it is all the more significant for groups engaged in dialogue, no matter how small they may be in size or number, to exist for discussion and exchange and send messages to both societies. And I think that the Northeast Asian History Foundation is expected to be such a group.