뉴스레터

We Koreans have been always conscious of Japan and struggling over how to deal with them to this day ever since the Imjin War, if not from ancient times. Currently, the Abe administration of Japan is denying their country's past of aggression, and trying to make it constitutional to exercise the rights of collective self-defense by amending their national constitution. How should we cope with Japan's such bold moves?

The Japanese media (TV Asahi) reported that on August 13, 2013, the Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe had visited the grave of Yoshida Shoin (吉田松陰, Sep. 1830 - Nov. 1859), who had influenced imperial Japan's thought of aggression, reconfirming his commitment to pending issues, such as the exercising of the right of collective self-defense. Shinzo Abe's visit to Yoshida Shoin's grave may be a gesture of his unwavering respect for the pioneers who laid down their lives for their country. while avoiding the attack from Korea and China that he could have received had he visited Yasukuni Shrine instead. However, it should not be overlooked that Shinzo Abe's visit to Yoshida Shoin's grave carries his commitment to 'system reform' which is much more than just 'Japan's rightward shift,' given Shoin's historical significance and similarity to Abe in a series of his actions.

As is well known, Yoshida Shoin was a samurai of the Choshu Domain who was also the spiritual leader of the Meiji Restoration. Born the second son to the Chushu Domain samurai Sugi Tsunemich, he was adopted by his uncle Yoshida Daisuke. He would later run the Shokasonjuku Academy (松下村塾) established by another uncle of his Tamaki Bunnoshin (玉木文之進) for the education of younger generations.

Portrait of Yoshida Shoin

When US Navy Commodore Matthew C. Perry's ship entered the harbor of Uraga (浦賀) in 1853, he accompanied his mater Sakuma Shozan (佐久間象山) to the steamship (a.k.a. the Black Ship (黑船)) for inspection. Impressed and inspired by the advanced Western civilization, he decided to study abroad, and attempted to smuggle himself out of Japan without success. Later, at a time when the shogunate was persecuting the opponents of the signing of the U.S-Japan Treaty of Kanagawa, he was accused of advocating to overthrow the shogunate and plotting to assassinate the shogun's elders councilman Manabe Akikatsu (間部詮勝), among other charges, and executed at age 29.

Shion was a supporter of such thoughts as 'One emperor and all of the other people are commoners' regarding the emperor as the only leader, and, along the same lines, 'Somokutki' (草莽崛起). Shoin's pupils included Kusaka Kenzui (久坂玄瑞), Takasuki Shinsaku (高杉晋作), Ito Hirobumi (伊藤博文), Yamagata Arimoto (山縣有朋), Maebara Itsei (前原一誠), Shinagawa Yajiro (品川弥二郞), and Yamada Akiyoshi (山田顕義), all of whom would become political leaders between the late shogunate and early Meiji periods. This partly explains why Shoin, executed at the tender age of 29, is hailed as the spiritual leader of the Meiji Restoration. By a curious coincidence, Shinzo Abe is also from Yamaguchi Prefecture, formerly known as Chochu Domain.

Yoshida Shoin's thoughts on foreign affairs that are attracting attention in relation to Korea are well illustrated his works, such as Ryushuroku (幽囚録) and Gaiseiron (外征論). The gist of Yoshida Shoin's thoughts on foreign affairs was to annex Korea, have Taiwan ceded to Japan, and advance into the South Pacific. Such expansion-oriented thinking and discourse, however, was not limited to Shoin. A large number of Japanese scholars active during the 18th century argued for invasion of other countries or expansion. Among them were Honda Toshiaki (本多利明, 1743-1821), Sato Nobuhiro (佐藤信淵,1769-1850), and Aizawa Seishisai (会沢正志斎, 1782-1863). These scholars were at academic levels higher than that of Yoshida Shoin. For example, Shinron (新論) by Aizawa Seishisai had a tremendous impact on the establishment of the modern empire following the Meiji Restoration. But they did not openly deny the existing feudal system.

Ryukonroku eflecting Yoshida Shoin's
view on life and death

What is remarkable about Yoshida Shoin's thoughts is that they were essentially thoughts of revolution, or destruction of the existing system, that argued for replacing the shogunate with the emperor as new ruler. In this regard, considering his series of remarks and actions, Shinzo Abe can be said to have the same spirit as Yoshida Shoin. The essence of Japan's pursuit of exercising the right of collective self-defense and other recent moves (e.g. moves to establish national security, draft the New National Defense Program Outline, amend the constitution, and revise the law governing the Self-Defense Forces) is to destroy and change the 1947 Peace Constitution system laid out by the GHQ (General Headquarters, the Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers). And the key of Japan's rightward shift and militarism is "Japanism." Japan's such moves are being described collectively as "rightward shift" by the Korean media, but I think they need a more sophisticated analysis and phrase. The two key elements of Japanese history and culture are the samurai spirit and the thought of reverence for the Emperor. The former forces blind, unconditional loyalty to their masters (daimyo (大名)) through battle and the latter is about promoting the Emperor's dignity overseas. Accordingly, where these two elements are at work, overseas expansion and the use of force are inevitable. When the demand of loyalty from samurais that was scattered among about 260 daimyos was concentrated on the single Emperor, it became possible to organize and use powerful force. The thought of reverence for the Emperor (a logic of pen (文)) combined with the samurai spirit (a logic of sword (武)) gave birth to the strong modern empire where change from within was impossible. In the bigger picture, such Japanese culture is characterized by the periodic onset of mass hysteria (known in Japanese as kireru (キレル)). Even though such risk may be extremely low in Japan as a democratic state, it may also become a reality if Japanese politicians or intellectuals obsessed over Japan's past and glorifying it. Shinzo Abe may have visited the grave of Yoshida Shoin, an advocate for revolution in the existing order and for overseas expansion, simply because Shoin was an historical figure from his hometown. I think the problem is with our attitude; we tend to believe we can understand Japan's move much too easily and conveniently.

Although both times and people have changed, we are still looking at Japan through the lenses of "Japan's rightward shift" and "Japan's shift toward militarism." Such a stereotyped view of Japan needs to be changed. In our future approach to Japan, we need to formulate and execute policy with three dimensions of Japan taken into consideration: 1) the course of world history and Japan; 2) Japan within East Asia; and 3) Japan in terms of ROK-Japan relations. The superficial and amateur blame of Japan's past atrocities is not an effective way of dealing with Japan that could have an impact on Japanese politicians and followers of Japanism.

While the U.S. is too far away, and China not trustworthy enough, at least not yet, to be our close neighbor, Japan feels much too distant, even though it is physically close to us. The problem is always within us, and so is the solution. Then what should we do?

First, it is necessary to integrate the studies of Korean relations with Japan throughout our history. We need to establish 'our own studies of Japan' that would meet our needs, not just 'Japanese studies' dominated by Western or Japanese viewpoints.

Second, it is necessary to keep some distance between academic research on Japanese affairs and Korea-Japan politics and diplomacy. Actually these two areas are connected far more closely and intricately than necessary.

Third, it is necessary to discourage non-experts from making emotional response to Japan and encourage experts to make long-term, systematic response.