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Editor's Note: The Northeast Asian History Foundation and the Shanghai Academy of Social Sciences (SASS) co-hosted the first international seminar on "Korea-China Public Diplomacy and Regional Cooperation in East Asia” at Millennium Seoul Hilton on November 7, 2013. In this event, held with the aim of enhancing exchange in the humanities between Korea and China, Liu Ming, Director of the Institute of International Studies at the SASS, participated as representative of China. NAHF Research Fellow Cha Jae-bok had an in-depth interview with Mr. Liu, who is well-versed in Korean peninsula affairs.

Cha It has been nearly a year since the parties to the six-party talks-- South Korea, China, Japan, North Korea, Russia, and the U.S.--went under new leadership. What do you think of the current relationship of major countries surrounding the Korean peninsula (North Korean nuclear issue)?

Liu The Korean peninsula's stability and development depend largely on whether or not it will be denuclearized. China can exert its influence to North Korea to a certain degree, but that does not mean that North Korea will listen to everything China has to say. Since its strategic goal is to possess nuclear capability, North Korea wouldn't want the Korean peninsula to be denuclearized. China intends to leverage its relationship with North Korea because it views North Korea's denuclearization process as an important turning point for establishing relations with the U.S., China intends to induce North Korea's denuclearization by resuming the six-party talks. If North Korea refuses to cooperate and proceeds with nuclear tests, China will work with the U.S. and South Korea among other countries to impose tighter economic sanctions on North Korea. Currently, the U.S. and South Korea, presenting conditions for the resumption of the six-party talks, are demanding that North Korea should show by action its good faith toward the denuclearization. But if North Korea flatly refuses the demand, the six-party talks will be difficult to resume, and North Korea will remain determined to develop nuclear weapons. This situation will work against the related nations in achieving their short-term goal of detering North Korea from making continued efforts to develop nuclear weapons.

The Heightening Nationalism in East Asia Needs to Be Curbed

Cha Since the historical conflict between China and Japan turned into a territorial conflict in 2010, nationalism has reached a peak in East Asia, resulting in serious conflicts within the region. What do you think of this and where do you think it will lead?

Liu China has become more powerful as a nation recently, and this seems to be met with growing uneasiness and nervousness in Japan. This sentiment was illustrated by the Japanese government's move to nationalize Diaoyudao (known in Japan as the Senkaku Islands) in September 2012. Japan is rapidly shifting to the right, and its attempts to amend the Peace Constitution and secure the right of collective self-defense show that Japan is on its way toward a 'normal state.' The Chinese people are expressing discontent with their government, which has taken a submissive attitude toward the foreign countries that have violated China's sovereignty and integrity for a long time. Against this backdrop, the Chinese people are outraged by the way Japan refuses to acknowledge China's sovereignty over Diaoyudao and back down from the dispute. From the perspective of peace, development, and prosperity in Northeast Asia, the leaders of China and Japan should endeavor to suppress the increasingly heightening nationalism. They should also discourage their media from attacking the other country. Of course, the United States should also turn away from secret protection of Japan and military actions. Otherwise, Japan will become more confrontational with China, and will not change direction toward seeking a peaceful solution through dialogue.

Cha I understand that China is enthusiastic about studying 'public diplomacy' recently. Given the current political situation of East Asia, while the public diplomacy of a single country is important, the public diplomacy within the region for 'regional cooperation in East Asia' cannot be overlooked, either. What roles do you think the think tanks of Korea and China should play for strengthening public diplomacy within the region?

Liu I think that the think tanks of both countries should actively participate in the 'humanities exchange' activities currently promoted by both countries. As the major think tanks of the two countries, we should, first in studying issues related to the other country, analyze the issues in an objective and rational manner, present opinions, and actively lead the public opinion and the people to have a rational perception of Sino-Korean relations and the other country's policy. The think tanks like us should be active in making suggestions to the government for people's exchange between the two countries, trust in the other country, and risk management. As particularly for North Korean issues, we should offer constructive initiatives for the peace and security, denuclearization and unification of the Korean peninsular by encouraging understanding and tolerance from the government officials and peoples of the two countries. And we should introduce the results of our exchange to the societies of the two countries by drawing on the strengths of each of us in hosting academic conferences, conducting research projects, and engaging influential scholars in our academic exchange in the form of exchange visitor programs.

On President Park Geun-hye's Eurasia Initiative

Cha Last year, President Park Geun-hye proposed a “Eurasia Initiative.” Some Korean scholars regard it as a strategy that can address the diplomatic and economic challenges faced by Korea. What is your opinion as a Chinese scholar?

Liu Ming,
Director of the Institute of
International Studies at the SASS

Liu Yes, as you said, President Park Geun-hye of Korea proposed a new initiative known as "Eurasia Initiative" on October 18, 2013. On the basis of the existing Korean Peninsula Trust Process and the diplomacy and security strategy of the Northeast Asia Peace and Cooperation Initiative, Park proposed an economic strategy that would develop Eurasia into a unified economic sphere. I think that such an initiative is theoretically excellent. This initiative represents an organic combination of solutions to various issues, such as Korean Peninsular affairs, Korea's economic development, regional economic cooperation among China, Japan, Korea, and Russia, and future energy cooperation. In particular, this initiative highlighted Korea's pivotal function and status as a middle power. Of course, there are still many remaining challenges before this initiative can become a reality. But the Silk Road Express (SRX) that will connect South Korea to North Korea is highly unlikely to come true. What is more feasible at this point is the 'New Silk Road Project' that will connect Shanghai all the way to Norway and the Halifax port in Canada on the Atlantic coast of North America by way of Urumqi, Kazakhstan, Russia, Finland, and Sweden. As for an Eurasia energy network, the nations concerned will consider their own interests first because the benefits they can get from energy resources differ and they have already spent money in laying down pipelines. The Korea-China-Japan FTAs are making slow progress due to political factors. The trade agreements within this region, such as the RCEP (Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership) and the TPP (Trans-Pacific Partnership agreement), will be ultimately interconnected. To make that happen, both economies need to finish internal negotiations.

Cha Between South Korea and China, there are still potential conflicts in military and security areas. Where do you suggest Sino-Korean relations should be headed in the future?

Liu In the future, the bilateral relations should mover toward economic cooperation. China and Korea are countries with the biggest economic energy in Northeast Asia. Strengthening economic cooperation between the two countries is beneficial and completely harmless, in terms of whether the scale of regional development or the structure and characteristics of both economies. First of all, the two countries should enter into a Free Trade Agreement (FTA). The conclusion of the Korea-China FTA will allow the two countries to fully leverage their comparative advantage and improve their economy through trade. It will allow China to use more of Korea's technology and money. More importantly, the conclusion of the Korea-China FTA can lower trade barriers, reduce trade frictions, and ease trade deficits between the two countries. Moreover, since China has abundant labor and huge markets, Korea could get the benefit of scale in production and markets by using China's continued economic growth, huge markets, and cheap labor through the Korea-China FTA. In addition to the bilateral cooperation, promoting economic cooperation among East Asian nations and establishing a system of economic cooperation appropriate to the East Asian region is another important direction that China and Korea can take in their future cooperation. Secondly, the two countries should forge a regional security partnership. The establishment of a Northeast Asian security system by Korea and China carries a very important significance. That the two countries of importance in Northeast Asia forge a security partnership in keeping with the increasingly active exchange between their high-ranking officials is critical to achieving stability in Northeast Asia.

Cha Please tell us specifically about the areas in which cooperation between the two countries can be realized.

Liu There are a few areas where the mutual cooperation of the two countries is possible. First, the hottest issue in Northeast Asia is still the denuclearization of the Korean peninsula, in which both Korea and China have common interests. There have been several rounds of the six-party talks for the resolution of the North Korean nuclear issue. However, not only does North Korea not give up nuclear tests, but it possesses nuclear weapons and has pushed ahead with three nuclear tests. And there is a possibility that North Korea will go ahead with the fourth nuclear test. China's position is that it is dead set against North Korea's nuclear tests and wants to persuade North Korea to give up nuclear weapons through dialogue. This is similar to the position of Korea, which is against North Korea's possession of nuclear weapons and wants play an active role in resolving the North Korean nuclear issue through dialogue. In other words, the two countries have a solid foundation on which they can go hand in hand with the peaceful resolution of the North Korean nuclear issue. The two countries should seek the peaceful resolution of the North Korean nuclear issue through cooperation. Secondly, the unification of the Korean peninsula is an area that will require cooperation between the two countries. The two countries share emotions as victims of the Cold War. And China is also always under the influence of external powers trying to keep it in check over Taiwan issues. For this reason, the Chinese people well understand the trauma caused to the Korean people by the division of the Korean peninsula. In terms of interests, the unification of the Korean peninsula is closely linked to the interests of Korea and China. In addition, the prosperity and stability of the Korean peninsula is in the best interests of Korea and China. China wants the two Koreas to achieve unification through dialogue, cooperation, and negotiation. Before they can achieve such unification, the two Koreas should first move from truce to peace, and build a normal system of cooperation. For the establishment of a peace system in the Korean peninsula, China will, for its part, give full support and take charge of security.

The SASS is the Largest Local Academy of Social Sciences in China

Cha What kind of research institute is the SASS? And please tell us about the major areas of study, plans, and vision of the SASS-affiliated Institute of International Studies where you are serving as director, and of the Center for North and South Korea Studies within the institute.

Liu The Shanghai Academy of Social Sciences was founded in 1958 by integrating the Institutes of Economic and Historical Studies at the Chinese Academy of Sciences. The SASS is the largest local academy of social sciences in China, and the only total research institute of the humanities and social sciences in Shanghai. It is also an important base of international exchange in the academic fields of philosophy and social sciences in Shanghai. The SASS consists of 17 institutes, with about 700 researchers and 600 graduate students. The Institute of International Studies within the SASS is a new institute established in February 2012 by the combination of the Institutes of Asia-Pacific Studies and Eurasia Studies. In this institute where I serve as director, there are thirty researchers and six research groups: International Relations Theory; International Security; Regional Cooperation; Power Strategy; Chinese Diplomacy; and International Culture. The Institute publishes the journal Research in International Relations. And the key responsibilities of the Center for North and South Korean Studies are to strengthen academic exchange with a number of research institutions and universities in Korea, hold joint meetings, and exchange visits on a regular basis. The main areas of study include: the North Korean nuclear issue; inter-Korean relations; the Korean peninsula peace mechanism; the economic policy and leader's thought within North Korea; North Korea-U.S. relations; North Korea-China relations; and inter-Korean strategic partnership.

Cha Jae-bok, Research Fellow,
Office of Policy Planning, NAHF

Cha You seem to have an extensive network of people with the Korean academia thanks to your exchange with a number of institutions in Korea for a long time. Please tell us about the history of your relationship with the Korean academia.

Liu I first visited Korea as part of the Korea Foundation (KF) Visiting Scholar Support Program (1996-1997). At that time, I ostensibly belonged to the Department of Eastern History at Seoul National University. During that period, I become friends with many Korean scholars and government officials, including Professor Min Doo-ki with the Department of Eastern History at Seoul National University, Professor Han Seung-ju, who is the Chairman of the Presidential Advisory Committee for the 21st Century and the Director of the International Relations Institute at Korea University, and also attended many international conferences. After a short return trip to China in March 1997, I came back on an invitation from the Korean Association of International Studies and the Institute for Investigation into International Affairs to attend the first international conference held in Seoul in June that year. And in the sixteen years since then, I have made a total of about 30 visits to Korea.

Cha What is your impression of the first academic exchange between the Northeast Asian History Foundation and the Shanghai Academy of Social Sciences?

Liu In this conference, the exchange was mostly among researchers within the two academic institutions. Those scholars had conducted research in regional history, culture, and politics, and the papers they presented each had unique views and merits. The participants did their best to prepare presentations, which, I believe, reflected the objective academic capability of the two academic institutions. Overall, this conference was a good reflection of the planning and operating ability of the organizers.

¹⁾ Professor Liu Ming has the official title 'Executive Deputy Director of the Institute of International Studies at the SASS (中國 上海 社會科學院 國際關係硏究所 常務 副所長).' However, there is only one executive deputy director, and he is serving as de facto director. Accordingly, it was decided that Professor Liu Ming would be addressed as ''Director' in this interview.