뉴스레터

Kim Hong-jib (1842-1896) was born in Seoul as the third son of Vice Minister Kim Young-jak. His family, with its origin in Gyeongju, was a distinguished one that had produced high officials for five generations since the daughter of his ancestor Kim Ju-jin married King Sukjong. But instead of abusing power, his family had held firm to their tradition of honest and simple living. For example, when Kim Hong-jib entered government service in 1896 at age 26, his father told him that he should be a faithful servant worthy of his salary from the government. His father's teaching left a lasting influence on his life.

By the time he became a Third Minister of Taxation in 1880, the Korean government was faced with the urgent task of negotiating with Japan over the restoration of the taxation right and the opening of the Incheon port. Chosen for the job, Kim Hong-jib was appointed to be a Third Minister of Foreign Affairs, and sent as a second envoy to Japan in July that year. But Japan refused to negotiate the details, on the grounds that he didn't have full authority entrusted by the king. Left with nothing else to do, he focused on investigating whether Japan was ready to strike Korea. During about one month of his stay in Tokyo, he observed Japan's rapid changes brought about since the Meiji Restoration, and met with political and economic figures of Japan and officials of the Chinese legation to gather information about the international situation. The Chinese diplomats he met told him unanimously that it was urgent for Korea to prepare against Russia, not Japan.

Introduced to "Korean Strategy" During His Stay in Japan

The most notable of all was Huang Zunxian (黃遵憲), who gave Kim Hong-jib a copy "Korean Strategy,"　where he wrote, "While all the people around the world can see that Korea is in danger, only the Korean people cannot see the impending disaster. It is as though they are like swallows or sparrows twittering under the eaves not knowing that the house is on fire," and urged Korea to "stay close to China, associate with Japan, and ally with America for internal self-strengthening" if it was to stop Russia from invading. Kim Hong-jib brought home this booklet that stressed the need for self-strengthening and balance of power and presented it to the king. After due consideration, the Korean government set about implementing reform policies. Once Tongrigimu Amun, an organization dedicated to this purpose, was established in late 1880, he took office in the Department of Foreign Trade and committed himself to implementing the new policies. His ability was demonstrated when, in 1881, the Korean government sent a group of inspectors and envoys to Japan and China to learn about and embrace modern culture, and, in the following year, established diplomatic relations with the U.S., the U.K., and Germany one by one.

But "Korean Strategy" was more than a strategy for Korea's survival. The real purpose behind the advice "stay close to China" was to lead Korea to advertise to the world that it was a vassal state of China. China had disguised itself as a supporter of Korea's independence, until its true nature was revealed during the 1882 Mutiny and the 1884 Coup. At that time, Kim Hong-jib was an official of foreign affairs in charge of handling the aftermath. In 1885, he was promoted to the positions of Second and then to First Vice-Premier, but demoted to a less important post soon afterwards. This was because while he had proved himself to be trustworthy mainly by settling the issues with Japan, Yuan Shikai and the Min House regime had branded him as a pro-Japanese reformer. He remained in disfavor with the politicians until the Chinese forces were driven out after defeat in the Sino-Japanese War in 1894, and he eventually decided to strike a deal with Japan for the reform of Korea.

Dreaming of Reform in Turbulent Times

From 1894 to 1896, the years that saw the occurrence of a series of major events while the powers were competing, such as the Sino-Chinese War, the 1894 Reform, the Donghak Peasant Revolution, the assassination of Empress Min, and King Gojong's flight to the Russian Legation, the fate of Korea as a dynasty with a 500-year history was hanging by a thread. During these years, Kim Hong-jib handled the crisis, taking up the position of Cabinet Minister as many as four times with the support of Japan. In July 1894, he joined the puppet government hastily established by Japan, and led the 1894 Reform and the 1895 Reform as Chief Minister and Governor of the Supreme Council for Military and State Administration, and as Cabinet Minister. He had no other choice because he wanted a radical reform that would make Korea a modern independent country with wealth and power, and wouldn't mind getting the help of a foreign power like Japan if that was what it took. He borrowed 3 million Yen and 40 advisors from Japan in the hopes that it would help make his country independent, rich and powerful. However, the reform he started with the money and people borrowed from the invader didn't yield the desired result. On the contrary, it ended up facilitating Japan's move toward military invasion.

As imperial Japan was pulling the strings, Kim Hong-jib failed to save his country from crisis. Worse, his life came to a tragic end as he was brutally murdered on the street immediately after King Gojong's flight to the Russian Legation in February 1896.

Kim Hong-jib was the leader of a pro-Japanese Cabinet that gave up an enormous amount of rights to Japan, provided the legal basis on which the Japanese military could 'suppress' the Donhak peasant troops, and did nothing to stop the assassination of Empress Min and defended those responsible for the crime. Therefore, he deserved it when Park Young-hyo called him "a petty man without principle submitting to the Japanese Minister." But his willingness to lay down his life for the country ("I will first ask His Majesty to change his mind, but if that fails, then I will have to die because there is nothing else I can do to make it up to my country.") made Hwang Hyun, an anti-Japanese nationalist historian, think highly of him. In his book of secret history (Maechonyarok), Hwang Hyun wrote: "Kim Hong-jib may have erred in insisting on making peace with Japan, but he was a faithful servant for his country, and had a talent and cleverness unmatched by common men." Kim Hong-jib decided to pay for the faults of his government with his own death instead of seeking to survive as a refugee. There are few politicians as responsible as him in Korean history. The life of Kim Hong-jib, who led a reform with the noble cause of making his country rich and powerful again but, when it failed, chose death to take responsibility, offers great lessons to politicians today.